Linking agentive objects in Mandarin Chinese

Abstract

This paper is concerned with the problem of argument-function mismatch observed in the apparent subject-object inversion in Chinese consumption verbs, e.g., chi `eat` and he `drink`, and accommodation verbs, e.g., zhu `live` and shui `sleep`. These verbs seem to allow the linking of [agent-SUBJ theme-OBJ] as well as [agent-OBJ theme-SUBJ], but only when the agent is also the semantic role denoting the measure or extent of the action. The account offered is formulated within LFG`s lexical mapping theory. Under the simplest and also the strictest interpretation of the one-to-one argument-function mapping principle (or the theta-criterion), a composite role such as ag-ext receives syntactic assignment via one composing role only. One-to-one linking thus entails the suppression of the other composing role. Apparent subject-object inversion occurs when the more prominent agent role is suppressed and thus allows the less prominent extent role to dictate the linking of the entire ag-ext composite role. This LMT account also potentially facilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic structures.