| 2022-09 |
China Threats and Taiwan Citizens’ Support for the 1992 Consensus |
鄭夙芬 |
conference |
pdf(115) |
| 2022-10 |
個人集權與地方分權並存：習近平時期之央地管控 |
曾偉峯 |
book/chapter |
說明頁(168) |
| 2022-12 |
奮興運動和五旬節運動佈道者汪兆翔的社會福音歲月 |
葉先秦 |
book/chapter |
說明頁(119) |
| 2022-11 |
解析台灣人/中國人認同：2000-2021年 |
鄭夙芬 |
article |
說明頁(181) |
| 2022-11 |
Co-optation or Coercion: Protest Targeting and Mass Violence in China |
曾偉峯、王信賢、Tzeng, Wei-Feng、Wang, Hsin-Hsien |
article |
說明頁(141) |
| 2022-08 |
「台灣民眾對動物經濟利用態度」民意調查報告書 |
鄭夙芬 |
report |
pdf(120) |
| 2022-11 |
Strategic Clarity and Taiwan Citizens’ Confidence in U.S. Security Commitment |
鄭夙芬、Cheng, Su-feng、Wang, T.Y. |
conference |
說明頁(173) |
| 2020-07 |
Spatial Perspectives and Local Knowledge: A Review of Spatiotemporal Analysis for Religion in Taiwan and Its Prospects |
洪瑩發、范毅軍、張智傑、廖泫銘、Hung, Ying Fa、Fan, I-chun、Jang, Jr-jie、Liao, Hsiung-ming |
article |
說明頁(128) |
| 2021-07 |
Tradition and Adaptation: A Preliminary Investigation of the Numinous Treasure Daoist Altars in Tainan 臺南 through Historical Review and Fieldwork |
洪瑩發、Hong, Yingfa |
article |
說明頁(153) |
| 2022-11 |
意識形態一致程度、課責感與民主滿意度：以澳洲與紐西蘭為例 |
Tsai, Chia-hung、Tan, Alexander、蔡佳泓、陳永福 |
article |
說明頁(173) |
| 2022-11 |
Populism and the 2020 Mayoral Recall and By-election of Kaohsiung City |
廖崇翰、Liao, Tsung-han |
article |
說明頁(141) |
| 2023-06 |
The CCP’s Elite Recruitment of the 20th Party Congress: Trends and Reconciliations |
陳德昇、王信實、Chen, Te-sheng、Wang, Shinn-shyr |
article |
pdf(215) |
| 2023-06 |
【Research Note】Trust in Chinese Government and Assessment of the Possibility of Cross-Strait Armed Conflict among the Electorate in Taiwan |
陳陸輝、Chen, Lu-huei |
article |
pdf(147) |
| 2023-02 |
Challenge of the Political Transition of Taiwan |
曾偉峯、Tzeng, Wei-Feng |
book/chapter |
|
| 2022-07 |
馬鳴山五年千歲文化小百科 |
洪瑩發 |
book |
說明頁(158) |
| 2023-03 |
2022年兩岸情勢總結與預判 |
曾偉峯 |
article |
說明頁(141) |
| 2023-06 |
No Turning Back? Assessing China’s Intent to Use Force to Resolve the Taiwan Issue After 2018 |
Wang, Hsin-Hsien、Tzeng, Wei-Feng、王信賢、曾偉峯 |
article |
pdf(134) |
| 2023-02 |
Social Media as Mobilizer and Demobilizer: Evidence From Taiwan |
蔡佳泓、Tsai, Chia-Hung、Wang, Ching-Hsing |
article |
說明頁(113) |
| 2023-04 |
2023年中國全國「 兩會」 後兩岸關係與臺海安全 |
曾偉峯 |
article |
pdf(95) |
| 2021-10 |
政治世代與統獨態度：1996-2020年的實證分析 |
蕭怡靖、林聰吉、游清鑫 |
book/chapter |
說明頁(94) |
| 2020-06 |
選民閱讀選舉公報與否的成因與影響 |
蕭怡靖 |
book/chapter |
|
| 2022-10 |
Political trust and attitudes toward civil disobedience: evidence from Taiwan |
蕭怡靖、Hsiao, Yi-ching、Wang, Ching-Hsing、Lin, Tsong-Jyi、Chang, Yi-Bin、Weng, Dennis Lu Chung |
article |
說明頁(91) |
| 2021-09 |
Why Do People Dislike Both the KMT and the DPP? Exploring the Sources of Anti-party Sentiment in Taiwan |
林聰吉、蕭怡靖、Lin, Tsong-jyi、Hsiao, Yi-ching |
article |
說明頁(64) |
| 2021-08 |
Elite Mobilization and the Mass Cognition toward Military, Civil, and Teaching Personnel in Taiwan |
蕭怡靖、林聰吉、Hsiao, Yi-ching、Lin, Tsong-jyi |
article |
說明頁(94) |
| 2023-09 |
Does Economic Development Influence the Decision-Making of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Regarding Appointments and Adjustments of Provincial-Level Party Standing Committee Members? |
曾偉峯、Tzeng, Wei-feng |
article |
pdf(100) |
