DSpace Community: 戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/2407
戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班2024-03-29T14:58:02Z我國大陸政策下之外交發展:2008-2022年
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/147316
題名: 我國大陸政策下之外交發展:2008-2022年; ROC’s Diplomatic Development under its Mainland China Policy from 2008 to 2022
Authors: 林奕邦; Lin, I-Pang
摘要: 中國大陸在改革開放後,迅速崛起,在全球經濟、政治、軍事以及科技方面都迅速成長,軍事方面亦不斷與時俱進,在國際間之影響力也隨之水漲船高。我國與中國大陸之兩岸議題自1949年國民政府遷臺以來,歷經了時分時合的複雜關係,隨著中國大陸在國際間的地位提升,如今兩岸議題也成了影響國際情勢之關鍵之一。然而,原獨佔鰲頭的美國也感受到了龐大的威脅,自歐巴馬政府時期便提出了重返亞洲,之後的川普總統更是和中國打起了貿易戰,現今的拜登政府在對臺軍售上更是大張旗鼓;兩岸關係幾乎到達了臨界點,衝突一觸即發的言論頻傳,烏俄戰爭的悲劇是否會因此站次上演,兩岸關係過往曾有過和睦共榮的盛況,我們如何能複製成功的經驗,共創人民美好的將來呢?\r\n本研究旨在探究近期兩任不同政黨之領導人大陸政策對我國外交發展之影響,從中理解兩岸關係和諧與衝突之差異,藉此作以比較分析;並有三點研究目的:第一,分析馬政府時期我國大陸政策及兩岸外交發展。第二,分析蔡政府時期我國大陸政策及兩岸外交發展。第三,比較兩位不同領導人之兩岸政策對我國外交發展影響。\r\n以馬政府時期我國外交發展而言,我國外交可說是進入巔峰期,在兩岸和平活絡發展之狀況下,陸客來臺人數達到史上最高,更促成了有史以來首次兩岸最高領導人會談;外交方面8年內僅失去了一個邦交國,還增加了高達110免簽國家。以兩位領導人任內邦交國數量變化、和非邦交大國互動以及國際參與情形進行比較,期許能找尋下一個類「九二共識」,避免緊張情勢持續惡化。; After the reform and opening up, China has risen rapidly, and has grown rapidly in terms of global economy, politics, military, and technology. The military has also kept pace with the times, and its international influence has also increased accordingly. After the Ukrainian-Russian War broke out in 2022, for many people, the war is no longer just a historical story, but a living example happening right before their eyes. The cross-strait issue between our country and the mainland has experienced a complex relationship between time and time since the Nationalist government moved to Taiwan in 1949. With the rise of China`s international status, the cross-strait issue has become one of the keys to the international situation. However, the former leader of the United States has also felt a huge threat. Since the Obama administration, it has proposed to return to Asia. Afterwards, President Trump has started a trade war with China. The current Biden administration is supporting the Taiwan military. The sales of weapons are even more fanfare; cross-strait relations have almost reached a critical point, and there are frequent rumors that conflicts are imminent. Will the tragedy of the Ukrainian-Russian War be staged again because of this? Cross-strait relations have had a grand occasion of harmony and prosperity in the past. Experience, how about creating a better future for the people?\r\n\r\nThe purpose of this study is to explore the influence of the recent two leaders of different political parties on the mainland policy on the development of my country`s diplomacy, to understand the differences between the harmony and conflict of cross-strait relations, and to make a comparative analysis; and there are three research purposes: first, to analyze my country`s mainland policy and the development of cross-strait diplomacy during the Ma government. Second, analyze my country`s mainland policy and the development of cross-strait diplomacy during the Tsai administration. Third, compare the influence of two different leaders` cross-strait policies on the development of my country`s diplomacy.\r\n\r\nIn terms of the development of our country’s diplomacy during the period of the Ma government, it can be said that our country’s diplomacy has entered a peak period. With the peaceful and dynamic development of the two sides of the strait, the number of tourists from mainland China has reached the highest level in history, and it has also led to the first ever meeting between the top leaders of the two sides of the strait; diplomacy On the one hand, only one country with diplomatic relations has been lost in 8 years, and up to 110 visa-free countries have been added. By comparing the changes in the number of diplomatic relations between the two leaders, their interactions with non-diplomatic powers, and their international participation during their term of office, it is hoped that they can find the next \"1992 Consensus\" and avoid the continued deterioration of tensions.
描述: 碩士; 國立政治大學; 外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班; 1109220212023-09-01T08:33:06Z生活從寬,身分從嚴?論國際難民與我國法制的困境
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/147314
題名: 生活從寬,身分從嚴?論國際難民與我國法制的困境
Authors: 朱俐蓉; Chu, Li-Jung
摘要: 本研究針對國際難民規範進行探討,並分析國際難民的庇護及權利保障如何在我國法制中被實踐。隨著社會變遷,難民的態樣越來越多元,不再只是侷限於受政治迫害尋求庇護者。本文首先將梳理國際難民的定義與背景什麼是難民,並規整出難民樣態,同時透過《關於難民地位公約》或相關國際人權法規闡述相關保護機制。後續聚焦在我國面對難民議題,透過分析我國曾經處理過的難民類型,說明我國法規與政策面的困境,並對我國難民庇護制度提出建議。本文結論認為我國難民法立法進程緩慢,建議透過現有《入出國及移民法》以增訂專章的形式加以完善相關規範,並將「未經許可入境」、「不遣返原則」納入保障範圍,並因地制宜,考量我國特殊的政治局勢,相關法制的建立以「領域管轄」為基礎,以是否有受迫害之事實為認定標準,亦即尋求庇護者倘若來自非我國治權有效管轄之地,則得成為我國欲保護的對象,而審認個案是否符合難民資格,則應從行為及是否受到迫害來論斷,而非考慮其身分。面對多變的難民議題,企盼我國未來不獨善其身,能有完善的法規,建構出對難民人權的保障。
描述: 碩士; 國立政治大學; 外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班; 1109220182023-09-01T08:32:41Z習近平時期之中俄關係(2012-2022)
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/147313
題名: 習近平時期之中俄關係(2012-2022); Sino-Russian Relations in the Xi Jinping Period(2012-2022)
Authors: 張佑菁; Chang,Yow-Ching
摘要: 中共建政以來,跟往日的蘇聯、現在的俄羅斯,一直處於亦敵亦友的狀態,不論是兩國耿耿於懷、芒刺在背的中俄邊界爭議,亦或俄羅斯和中共「新時期的戰略伙伴關係」,雙方不僅定期舉行聯合軍演,而且在戰略領域,包括核威懾領域實施合作,不過雙方迄今為止沒有正式軍事結盟。這兩國之間,到底屬於什麼樣的歷史淵源,是否兩國之間只是因為共同的利益,而持續強化雙邊的合作與交流,但實際上兩國之間對彼此都存有戒心;他們到底是朋友?還是敵人?\n中共被俄羅斯認定為是可以用來對抗美國壓力的可靠夥伴,不難觀察出中俄愈是面對困難的地緣政治環境,愈將兩國推向包括經貿、軍事與區域及國際政治合作等更緊密合作關係的動力。所以筆者試著從政治外交、軍事交流及經貿合作等三種層面來探討兩國之間的關係,並從中找出在各層面所代表的意義及內涵,及國際社會中看待兩國之間發展的觀點影響。
描述: 碩士; 國立政治大學; 外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班; 1099220212023-09-01T08:32:28Z習近平對臺的和戰兩手策略之研究
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/147312
題名: 習近平對臺的和戰兩手策略之研究; The Study of Xi Jinping’s Two - Pronged Strategy by Peace and War towards Taiwan
Authors: 李秉誠; Lee, Ping-Cheng
摘要: 習近平對臺政策的核心原則是「一個中國」,政策方針依循「一國兩制」,並以「九二共識」作為兩岸政治協商的基礎。雖然,近年習近平主政下的中共對臺政策與作為漸趨強硬,但始終強調主要是針對外部勢力干涉和「臺獨」分裂活動,並一再宣稱仍寄希望於臺灣同胞,期望推動兩岸關係的和平發展,透過和平方式解決臺灣問題,穩步推進兩岸和平統一的進程。\n然而,由於兩岸自新冠疫情以來中斷諸多交流,加以美國拜登總統執政後延續川普政府時期的對「中」強硬政策,導致美中關係持續緊繃,更讓習近平擔憂、不滿臺獨分裂勢力配合美國挑釁中共,因而近年有關「武統臺灣」聲浪日益增加,包含國際示警習近平已著手為武統臺灣作準備,將採取「以戰逼談」策略,以及兩岸間議論習近平決心以武力遏制臺獨發展,甚至動用武力推進統一進程等相關評論方興未艾。\n本篇論文以中共歷屆領導人對臺政策為脈絡,審視習近平時期對臺政策的「變」與「不變」之處,並從「用和」、「用戰」等兩個面向深入探討習近平運用和戰兩手策略解決臺灣問題的發展與整備情形。研究發現習近平表面上一再呼籲兩岸和平統一,但實際上已加大武力解決臺灣問題之整備,並逐步訴諸利用針對性對臺軍事行動時機演練與檢討;在習近平主政下的對臺政策目前應仍呈現「蘿蔔棍子併行」策略方針,但不可諱言的是棍子的力度已逐漸加大,且對臺問題的主動性更甚以往。; The central tenet of Xi Jinping`s policy towards Taiwan is "one China", and his policy direction adheres to the premise of "one country, two systems", with the "1992 Consensus" as the basis for cross-strait political consultations. Although the CCP`s policy and actions towards Taiwan under Xi Jinping`s administration have grown increasingly assertive in recent years, the CCP has consistently emphasized that it is mainly targeting the interference of external forces and the secessionist activities of "Taiwan independence" and has repeatedly claimed that it is still relying on the compatriots in Taiwan to promote the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations and resolve the Taiwan issue through peaceful means, steadily pushing forward the process of cross-Straits peace and unification.\nHowever, due to the disruption of cross-strait exchanges since COVID-19 and the continuation of the Trump administration`s hardline policy towards China after President Biden`s administration, the US-China relationship has remained tense, causing Xi Jinping to be concerned and dissatisfied with Taiwan`s independence and secessionist forces cooperating with the US in provoking the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Thus, there have been more voices for the "reunification of Taiwan by force" in recent years, as well as international warnings that Xi Jinping has already begun to make preparations for forceful reunification of Taiwan and may adopt the strategy of "forcing negotiation by war." There is also mention of the escalating debate regarding Xi Jinping`s intention to use force to constrain the development of Taiwan`s independence or even to use force to accelerate the unification process.\nTaking the policies towards Taiwan of the successive leaders of the Communist Party of China as a basis, this dissertation examines the "changes" and "constants" of the policy towards Taiwan during the Xi Jinping administration. It also discusses in-depth the evolution of Xi Jinping`s strategy for resolving the Taiwan issue through the use of the two tactics of "peace and war" and "war" and the associated circumstances. According to the study, although Xi Jinping has repeatedly called for the peaceful reunification of Taiwan, in reality, he has already boosted the force to get ready for a solution to the Taiwan issue and has gradually used the "time for targeted military actions against Taiwan" to practice and review. The "carrot and stick" strategy should still be used to manage Taiwan under Xi Jinping`s leadership. Still, it is evident that the severity of the stick has gradually grown, and the initiative towards Taiwan issue has become more proactive than before.
描述: 碩士; 國立政治大學; 外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班; 1099220062023-09-01T08:32:12Z