Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/106804
DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.advisor蕭宇超zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisorHsiao, Yuchau E.en_US
dc.contributor.author楊雯婷zh_TW
dc.contributor.authorYang, Wen-tingen_US
dc.creator鄭雯婷zh_TW
dc.creatorYang, Wen-tingen_US
dc.creator楊雯婷-
dc.date2016en_US
dc.date.accessioned2017-03-01T09:01:15Z-
dc.date.available2017-03-01T09:01:15Z-
dc.date.issued2017-03-01T09:01:15Z-
dc.identifierG0101555011en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/106804-
dc.description碩士zh_TW
dc.description國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description語言學研究所zh_TW
dc.description101555011zh_TW
dc.description.abstract本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain),即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域,以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上,並持間接指涉假設觀點,從韻律音韻學的角度出發,認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面,且調群為此介面上的韻律單位:音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。\r\n 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出,調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端,音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP,且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定,其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X,以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外,新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現,具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式:依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別:(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別: (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。\r\n 本文提出調群新定義,並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析,提出三個新制約:Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射;ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節;Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為:Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外,其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下,預測語言變異。zh_TW
dc.description.abstractThe goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory.\r\n In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #.\r\n TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents誌謝 iv\r\n中文摘要 viii\r\nEnglish Abstract ix\r\n1. 介紹 (Introduction) 1\r\n2. 文獻回顧 (Literature Review) 2\r\n 2.1 聲調系統及變調規則 (Tonotactics) 2\r\n 2.2 音韻句法互動理論 (Phonology-Syntax Interface) 5\r\n 2.2.1 直接指涉論 (Direct Reference Hypothesis) 5\r\n 2.2.2 間接指涉論 (Indirect Reference Hypothesis) 7\r\n 2.2.2.1 基本概念 (Basics) 7\r\n 2.2.2.2 韻律音韻學 (Prosodic Phonology) 8\r\n 2.3 優選理論 (Optimality Theory) 11\r\n 2.3.1 基本概念 (Basics) 11\r\n 2.3.2 概括對整 (Alignment) 14\r\n 2.3.3 語言變異:ROE 理論 (Language Variation: ROE) 16\r\n 2.4 閩南語變調範域研究 (Tone Sandhi Domain of TSM) 17\r\n 2.4.1 直接指涉論 (Direct Reference) 17\r\n 2.4.1.1 鄭良偉:詞組分界 (Phrasal Boundary) 18\r\n 2.4.1.2 陳淵泉:變調群組 (Tone Group) 19\r\n 2.4.2 間接指涉論 (Indirect Reference) 22\r\n 2.4.2.1 蕭宇超:音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase) 22\r\n3. 語料庫分析 (Corpus Analysis) 27\r\n 3.1 語料庫 (Corpus) 27\r\n 3.2 新調群分析 (Tone Group Parsing) 27\r\n 3.2.1 動詞主要語 (V-Head) 27\r\n 3.2.1.1 V-NP 結構 (V-NP) 28\r\n 3.2.1.2 V-QP 結構 (V-QP) 30\r\n 3.2.2 附加語 XP (Adjunct XP) 33\r\n 3.2.2.1 QP-A 結構 (QP-A) 33\r\n 3.2.2.2 AdvP-V 結構 (AdvP-V) 36\r\n 3.2.3 新調群:定義及小結 (TG Definition and Summary) 39\r\n 3.3 新調群:語言變異 (Language Variation) 42\r\n4. 優選理論分析 (Optimality Theory Analysis) 49\r\n 4.1 動詞主要語 (V-Head) 51\r\n 4.1.1 V-NP 結構 (V-NP) 51\r\n 4.1.2 V- QP 結構 (V-QP) 55\r\n 4.2 附加語 XP (Adjunct XP) 58\r\n 4.2.1 QP-A 結構 (QP-A) 58\r\n 4.2.2 AdvP-V 結構 (AdvP-V) 60\r\n 4.3 分析總結 (Summary) 62\r\n5. 論文結論及後續議題 (Conclusion and Further Issues) 66\r\n 5.1 總結 (Conclusion) 66\r\n 5.2 後續探討問題 (Further Issues) 68\r\n參考文獻 (Bibliography) 69\r\n附錄:語料庫調群邊界總計 76zh_TW
dc.format.extent11916355 bytes-
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf-
dc.relation原名楊雯婷, 2018.01改名鄭雯婷-
dc.source.urihttp://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0101555011en_US
dc.subject變調範域zh_TW
dc.subject位置變調zh_TW
dc.subject語言變異zh_TW
dc.subject音韻句法互動zh_TW
dc.subject韻律音韻學zh_TW
dc.subject優選理論zh_TW
dc.subject台灣閩南語zh_TW
dc.subjectTone Sandhi Domainen_US
dc.subjectPositional Tone Sandhien_US
dc.subjectLanguage Variationen_US
dc.subjectPhonology-Syntax Interfaceen_US
dc.subjectProsodic Phonologyen_US
dc.subjectOptimality Theoryen_US
dc.subjectTaiwan Southern Minen_US
dc.subjectTaiwaneseen_US
dc.subjectROE (Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL)en_US
dc.title台灣閩南語新調群分析zh_TW
dc.titleTone group parsing of Taiwan Southern Minen_US
dc.typethesisen_US
dc.relation.reference中文文獻\r\n\r\n黃敏雯. (2009). 台灣閩南語範圍副詞之分析研究. (碩士), 國立高雄師範大學. \r\n黃宣範. (1993). 語言、社會與族群意識:台灣語言社會學的研究. 台北: 文鶴.\r\n駱嘉鵬. (2008). 閩南語連續變調域的劃分. Paper presented at the 第十屆閩方言國際研討會, 湛江師範學院. \r\n陳怡芬. (2005). 台灣聲調錯誤研究 (On Taiwanese Tone Errors). (碩士), 國立交通大學. \r\n鄭良偉. (1987). 從國語看臺語的發音. 台北: 學生書局.\r\n鄭良偉. (1997). 台語、華語的結構及動向 I:台語的語音與詞法 (Taiwanese and Mandarin Structures and Their Developmental Trends in Taiwan I: Taiwanese Phonology and Morphology). 台北: 遠流.\r\n鄭良偉. (2004). 台語母語的文字化的人性化潮流及社會慣性阻力. Paper presented at the 台灣羅馬字國際研討會.\r\n邱玉雪. (2004). 台灣閩南語偏正結構詞組中的變調分界 (Tone Sandhi Boundary in Modifier-Head Constructions). (碩士), 國立新竹教育大學. \r\n邱湘雲. (2006). 海陸客家話和閩南語構詞對比研究. (博士), 國立高雄師範大學. \r\n蕭宇超, 歐. (1997). 從「韻律音韻學」看台灣閩南語的輕聲現象. 聲韻論叢, 6, 865-895. \r\n蕭宇超. (2013). 廣東與臺灣饒平客家話兩字組變調分析與比較 (Analysis and Comparison of Disyllabic Tone Sandhi in Raoping Hakka Spoken in Guangdong, China and Qionglin, Taiwan). 漢學研究 (Chinese Studies), 31(3), 293-327. \r\n蕭宇超. (2000). 台灣閩南語之優選變調 (Optimal Tone Sandhi). 漢學研究, 18, 25-40. \r\n盧廣誠. (2003). 台灣閩南語概要: 南天書局.\r\n田益民, 曾志朗, 洪蘭. (2002). 漢語分類詞的語意與認知基礎:功能語法觀點. Language and Linguistics, 3(1), 101-132. \r\n洪惟仁. (2008). 台灣話停頓與轉調的句法制約:兼論其教學法. Paper presented at the 第十屆閩方言研討會, 湛江師範學院. \r\n楊秀芳. (1990). 台灣閩南語語法稿. 台北: 大安.\r\n林慶勳. (2001). 台灣閩南語概論. 台北: 心理出版社.\r\n李姿倫. (2008). 台灣閩南語口語變調與韻律分界 (Tone Sandhi and Prosodic Phrasing in Taiwan Southern Min Speech). (碩士), 國立台灣師範大學. \r\n劉月華, 潘文娛, 故韡. (1996). 實用現代漢語語法 (Mandarin Chinese Grammar). 台北: 師大書苑.\r\n優選論 (Optimality Theory). (2008). (馬秋武 Ed.). 上海: 上海出版社 Shanghai Educational Publishing House.\r\n\r\n英文文獻\r\nAnttila, Arto. (1997). Deriving variation from grammar. In Roeland van Hout Frans Hinskens, W. Leo Wetzels (Ed.), Variation, Change and Phonological Theory (pp. 35-68). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.\r\nAnttila, Arto. (2006). Variation and Phonological Theory. In Chambers J. K., Trudgill Peter and Schilling-Estes Natalie (Ed.), The Handbook of Language Variation and Change (pp. 206-243): Blackwell Publishing.\r\nBao, Zhi-Ming. (1999). The Structure of Tone. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.\r\nBickmore, Lee S. (1989). Kinyambo Prosody. (Ch. 5 The Phrasal Phonology and the Prosodic Hierarchy). (Ph. D.), University of California, Los Angeles. \r\nBodmen, Nicholas C. (1955). Spoken Amoy Hokkien. Kuala Lumpur: Government, Federation of Malaya.\r\nBoersma, Paul. (1998). Functional Phonology: Formalizing the Interactions between Articulatory and Perceptual Drives. (Ph.D.), University of Amsterdam. \r\nBoersma, Paul & Hayes, Bruce P. (2001). Empirical tests of the Gradual Learning Algorithm. Linguistic Inquiry, 32, 45-86. \r\nChao, Y. R. (1968). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press.\r\nChen, Mathew Y. (1987). The Syntax of Xiamen Tone Sandhi. Phonology Year Book, 4, 109-150. \r\nChen, Mathew Y. (1990). What must phonology know about syntax The Phonology-Syntax Connection (pp. 19-46). Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.\r\nChen, Mathew Y. (1992). Argument vs. Adjunct: Xiamen Tone Sandhi Revisited. University of California, San Diego. Manuscript.\r\nChen, Mathew Y. (2000). An overview of tone sandhi phenomena across Chinese dialects.\r\nChen, Mathew Y. (2004). Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects: Cambridge University.\r\nChen, Ya-mei. (1996). Tone Sandhi of Adverbs in Southern Min: Interfaces in Phonology. (Master), National Chengchi University. \r\nCheng, Robert L. (1968). Tone Sandhi in Taiwanese. Linguistics, 41, 19-42. \r\nCheng, Robert L. (1973). Some Notes on Tone Sandhi in Taiwanese. Linguistics, 11(100), 5-25. \r\nChiu, Bien-Ming. (1931). The phonetic structure and tone behavior in Hagu. T`oung-Pao, 28, 245-342. \r\nCho, Young-mee Yu. (1990). Syntax and Phrasing in Korean. The Phonology-Syntax Connection (pp. 47-62). Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.\r\nChung, Raung-Fu. (1989). Aspects of Kejia Phonology (Ch. 5.3, The domain of tone sandhi). (Ph. D.), University of Illinois. \r\nCoetzee, Andries W. . (2006). Variation as Accessing “Non-Optimal” Candidates—A Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL. University of Michigan. \r\nDekkers J., Van der Leeuw, Van der Weijer (Ed.) (2000). Optimality theory : phonology, syntax and acquisition. New York: Oxford University Press.\r\nDuanmu, San. (2005). The Tone-Syntax Interface in Chinese: Some Recent Controversies. Paper presented at the Symposium on Cross-Linguistic Studies of Tonal Phenomena.\r\nElordieta, Gorka. (2008). An Overview of Theories of the Syntax-Phonology Interface. ASJU, XLII(1), 209-286. \r\nHayes, Bruce. (1989). The Prosodic Hierarchy in Meter. In Paul Kiparsky and Gilbert Youmans (Ed.), Rhythm and Meter (pp. 201-260). Orlando: Academic Press.\r\nHer, One-Soon and Hsieh, Chen-Tien. (2010). On the Semantic Distinction between Classifiers and Measure Words in Chinese. Language and Linguistics, 11(3), 527-551. \r\nHolt, D. Eric. (2003). Remarks on Optimality Theory and language change. In D. Eric Holt (Ed.), Optimality Theory and Language Change. Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers.\r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (1991). Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular Relationship. (Ph.D), University of California, San Diego. \r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (1992). Some Comments on the Direct Syntactic Influences upon Phonology. The Journal of National Chengchi University, 65, 455-470. \r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (1993). Taiwanese Tone Group Revisited: A Theory of Residue. Paper presented at the Second International Conference on Chinese Linguistics. \r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (1995). Southern Min Tone Sandhi and Theories of Prosodic Phonology: Student Book Co., Ltd.\r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (1995). Pronominal Tone Sandhi of Southern Min Spoken in Taiwan: A Perspective of the Interface between Syntax, Semantics and Phonology. The Journal of National Chengchi University, 70, 167-195. \r\nHsiao, Yuchau E. (2011). Universal marking in accent formation: evidence from Taiwanese-Mandarin and Mandarin-Taiwanese. Lingua, 121, 1485-1517. \r\nHsu, Hui-Chuan. (1994). Constraint-Based Phonology and Morphology: A Survey of Languages in China (Ch. 4, Tonal Parsing of Quadrisyllabic Idioms in Taiwanese). (Ph. D.), University of California, San Diego. \r\nInkelas, Sharon. (1989). Prosodic Constituency in the Lexicon (Ch2, Theoretical Background). (Ph. D.), Stanford University. \r\nInkelas, Sharon and Draga Zec, eds. (1990). The Phonology-Syntax Connection. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.\r\nIto, Junko and Mester, Armin. (2015). Match Theory and Prosodic Wellformedness Constraints.\r\nKager, René. (1999). Optimality Theory: Cambridge University Press.\r\nKager, René and Wim, Zonneveld. (1999). Phrasal Phonology: An Introduction. In René and Wim Kager, Zonneveld (Ed.), Phrasal Phonology (pp. 1-34). Nijmegen: Nijmegen University Press.\r\nKaisse, Ellen M. (1985). Connected Speech: The Interaction of Syntax and Phonology.\r\nKanerva, Jonni M. (1989). Focus and Phrasing in Chichewa Phonology (Ch. 4, Focal Phrases). (Ph. D.), Standford University. \r\nKanerva, Jonni M. (1990). Focusing on phonological phrases in Chichewa. In Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zec (Ed.), The Phonology-syntax Connection (pp. 145-161). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.\r\nLee, Kent A. (2002). Chinese Tone Sandhi and Prosody. \r\nLi, Charles N. and Thompson Sandra A. (2009). Mandarin Chinese: a functional reference grammar. Taipei: Crane Co., Ltd.\r\nLin, Hui-Shan. (2001). Interlanguage Tone Sandhi: A Constraint Based Approach to tone sandhi in Mandarin-Min Code-Mixing. Concentric: Studies in English Literature and Linguistics, 27(2), 133-161. \r\nLin, Hui Shan. (2005). Prosodic Correspondence in Tone Sandhi. USTWPL, 1, 229-265. \r\nLin, Jo-Wang. (1994). Lexical Government and Tone Group Formation in Xiamen Chinese. Phonology, 11, 237-275. \r\nLin, Yen-Hwei. (2007). The Sounds of Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.\r\nMcCarthy, John J. (2008). Doing Optimality Theory. MA & Oxford, UK: Blackwell.\r\nMcCarthy, John J. and Prince, Alan S. (1993). Generalized Alignment. Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series., Paper 12, 79-153. \r\nMyrberg, Sara. (2013). Sisterhood in Prosodic Branching. Phonology, 30, 73-124. \r\nNespor, Marina and Vogel, Irene. (1982). Prosodic domains of external sandhi rules. In Harry van der Hulst and Norval Smith (Ed.), The Structure of Phonological Representations (pp. 225-265). Dordrecht: Foris.\r\nNespor, Marina and Vogel, Irene. (1986). Prosodic Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris.\r\nPrince, Allen & Smolensky, Paul. (1993). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Rutgers University.\r\nReynolds, Bill. (1994). Variation and Phonological Theory. (Ph.D), University of Pennsylvania. \r\nSeidl, Amanda. (2000). Minimal Indirect Reference: A Theory of the Syntax-Phonology Interface. (Ph. D.), University of Pennsylvania. \r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (1978). On prosodic structure and its relation to syntactic structure. In T. Fretheim (Ed.), Nordic Prosody I (pp. 111-140). Trondheim: TAPIR.\r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (1980). On Prosodic Structure and its Relation to Syntactic Structure. Nordic Prosody, 2. \r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (1984). Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure. Cambridge: Mass.: MIT Press.\r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (1986). On Derived Domain in Sentence Phonology. Phonology Yearbook, 3, 371-405. \r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (1995). Sentence Prosody: Intonation, Stress, and Phrasing. In John A. Goldsmith (Ed.), The handbook of phonological theory: Blackwell, Cambridge MA & Oxford.\r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (2003). The Prosodic Structure of Function Words. In John J. McCarthy (Ed.), Optimality Theory in Phonology: A Reader: Blackwell Publishing.\r\nSelkirk, Elisabeth O. (2011). The Syntax-Phonology Interface. In Goldsmith J., Riggle, J., Yu, A., (Ed.), The Handbook of Phonological Theory (2 ed., pp. 435-484). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.\r\nShih, Chi-Lin. (1986). The Prosodic Domain of Tone Sandhi in Chinese (Ch. 3, The domain of Tone Sandhi in Standard Mandarin). (Ph.D), University of California, San Diego. \r\nTruckenbrodt, Hubert. (1999). On the Relation between Syntactic Phrases and Phonological Phrases. Linguistic Inquiry, 30(2), 219-255. \r\nVigário, Marina. (2010). Prosodic Structure between the Prosodic Word and the Phonological Phrase: Recursive nodes or an Independent Domain? Linguistic Review, 27(4), 485-530. \r\nYip, Moria. (2005). Tone (Ch. 5, Tone in Morphology and in Syntax, Ch. 7, Asian and Pacific languages). Peking: Peking University Press.\r\nZhang, Hong-Ming. (1992). Topics in Chinese Phrasal Phonology (Ch. 6, The C-Command Condition in Tonology). (Ph. D.), University of California, San Diego. \r\nZhang, Hong-Ming. (1993). The Syntactic Condition of Taiwanese Tone Sandhi. Paper presented at the Pacific Asia Conference on Formal and Computational Linguistics.zh_TW
item.grantfulltextrestricted-
item.openairecristypehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_46ec-
item.fulltextWith Fulltext-
item.cerifentitytypePublications-
item.openairetypethesis-
Appears in Collections:學位論文
Files in This Item:
File Description SizeFormat
501101.pdf11.64 MBAdobe PDF2View/Open
台灣閩南語新調群分析_(含姓氏部分:1,2,3,4,9頁).pdf901.42 kBAdobe PDF2View/Open
Show simple item record

Google ScholarTM

Check


Items in DSpace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.