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The Role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Iran’s Economy, 2005-2017
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
|Issue Date:||2021-10-01 10:16:31 (UTC+8)|
為特別探究革命衛隊在伊朗經濟中之角色，本文首先爬梳了革命衛隊發展沿革，包含其成立、轉變及鞏固之過程，並著重於其自伊朗立國以來各時期的發展如何有助形塑其現階段的地位。其次，透過比較革命衛隊在Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013)及Hassan Rouhani (2013-2017，第1任)兩位總統任內之發展，本文發現革命衛隊雖應國家早期建制需要執行任務，經過多年時間，其已發展出一定自主性及內部動能，且在面對多次民選政府及總統變更時，逐漸能夠主導自身議程。另一方面，革命衛隊的快速成長也引起伊朗國內及國際之關注，伊朗最高領導人Ali Khamenei作為憲法中革命衛隊之監管者，亦會擇時間接干涉調解，使革命衛隊不至於脫離政權掌控。此外，隨著國際政治情勢快速變化，革命衛隊與伊朗民選政府間的關係也愈趨複雜。結論中，本文認為革命衛隊與伊朗民選政府間的關係將持續由合作與衝突並存，而革命衛隊亦將持續追求自身利益、捍衛固有權力及維持現狀。
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is widely considered one of the most influential actors both within the domestic and regional geopolitics. Over the years, the IRGC has evolved from an ideological force to conglomerate whose tracks influence becomes visible in many aspects of the Iranian society. Besides heavily involving in Iran’s regional intervention, the IRGC has expanded its economic power in more recent years, which also draws increasing attention from the global academic sphere.
To expound the IRGC’s economic role per se, this thesis first reviews the formation, transition, and consolidation process of the IRGC, particularly how its development in different time phases had helped shape its current status. Secondly, by comparing the development respectively under two previous presidents, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) and Hassan Rouhani (2013-2017, first term), this thesis finds out that the IRGC, despite being responsive to the government’s need in early state-building, has cultivated its autonomy and internal dynamics overtime and has gradually adopts its own agenda when facing presidency changes. On the other hand, while the IRGC’s fast growth aroused concerns inside and outside Iran, the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who constitutionally oversees the IRGC, also mediated indirectly to bring the IRGC under the regime’s control. On top of that, fast-changing international political issues have further complicated the relations between the IRGC and the elected presidents. In conclusion, this thesis suggests that cooperation and confrontation should continue to co-exist in the relations of the IRGC and the Iranian government, while the IRGC will seek to pursue its own interests, defend its power, and remain the status quo.
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