Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item:
https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/139134| 題名: | 總統與推特外交─以蔡英文推特運用為例 President and Twiplomacy: How President Tsai Ing-wen use Twitter for diplomacy |
作者: | 孔彥蓉 Kung, Yen-Jung |
貢獻者: | 蘇蘅 孔彥蓉 Kung, Yen-Jung |
關鍵詞: | 蔡英文 公眾外交 推特外交 推特 社交媒體 Tsai Ing-wen Public diplomacy Twiplomacy Social media |
日期: | 2022 | 上傳時間: | 1-三月-2022 | 摘要: | 各國領袖利用推特實踐公眾外交越來越頻繁，本研究以總統蔡英文的推特為研究對象，蒐集其2020年3月26日至2020年12月31日的推文共計407則進行內容分析，並對經營團隊進行深度訪談，藉此解析蔡英文如何透過推特經營進行公眾外交，包括展現什麼外交議題、發展哪些外交關係，以及用哪些推特科技特性來進行操作。\n本研究發現，蔡英文推特所建立的國家及區域關係，遠遠超過台灣邦交國數量，其中尤其重視美國、日本以及歐盟中與台灣民主政體理念相同的國家，有助於建立國際盟友。蔡英文的經營團隊更利用推特科技特性，搭配線上線下活動與蔡英文公私領域的形象，讓推文操作更加靈活並擴大傳播效益。研究最後也提出對於未來不同領袖或政府機關使用推特外交的建議。 World leaders increasingly use Twitter as a form of diplomacy. The research explores 407 tweets from the Twitter of President Tsai Ing-wen, starting from March 26, 2020 to December 31, 2020. The research methods for the the subject are content analysis and in-depth interviews with management team. The study analyzes how President Tsai Ing-wen conducts public diplomacy through Twitter, including which diplomatic issues to show, which diplomatic relations to develop, and which Twitter technology features to operate. By using Twitter, Tsai Ing-wen`s team has established and promoted public diplomatic relations with important countries far exceed the number of the country with diplomatic relations of Taiwan. The findings demonstrate that the relationship between United States, Japan, and countries in the European Union that share the same democratic ideology as Taiwan`s, can become international allies. Tsai Ing-wen`s Twitter management team also make use of Twitter`s technological features, with online and offline activities to build Tsai Ing-wen`s public images. This indicates Twitter’s interface design can make tweet operations more flexible and accelerate social network effects. As a result, Twitter diplomacy can help manage the risk of irrational tweets. The author also recommends strategies for using Twitter diplomacy by public officials or government leaders in the future. |
參考文獻: | 卜正珉（2009）。《公眾外交：軟性國力，理論與策略》。臺北市：允晨文化。\n中華民國外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC (Taiwan) （2021年2月26日) Here we go again! Our pineapples are now banned by #China to punish farmers in the south. Remember #Australia`s #FreedomWine? I urge like-minded friends around the globe to stand with #Taiwan & rally behind the #FreedomPineapple. JW。取自https://twitter.com/MOFA_Taiwan/status/1365261810044080130\n中華民國外交部（2009年10月28日）。〈外交部將舉辦「國家安全、文化外交、公眾外交、巧實力：聰明國家的未來走向」研討會〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=98&s=75797\n中華民國外交部（2012年8月31日）。〈外交部2019年年終工作回顧：踏實外交成果豐碩、共享價值捍衛民主自由〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=96&sms=74&s=69728\n中華民國外交部（2018年12月30日）。〈外交部2018年終工作回顧：在挑戰中繼續為國家利益踏實邁進〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=96&s=74779\n中華民國外交部（2018年6月6日）。〈外交部推特（Twitter）帳號積極為臺灣發聲，廣獲國際迴響〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=96&s=74578\n中華民國外交部（2019年12月26日）。〈外交部組織改造訂於9月1日施行〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=96&s=90820\n中華民國外交部（2019年1月20日）。〈外交部積極透過新媒體發聲，國際文宣活潑接地氣〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=98&s=76620\n中華民國外交部（2020年12月23日）。〈2020年外交成果回顧：秉持「踏實外交」初心，連結世界、布局全球、貢獻國際、彰顯台灣〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/News_Content.aspx?n=96&s=94842\n中華民國外交部（2020年4月29日）。〈各國政要就我國捐贈防疫物資及醫療援助案表達感謝統計表〉【公告】。外交部。取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/Upload/UserFiles/files/%E4%BF%AE0429_%E5%90%84%E5%9C%8B%E6%84%9F%E8%AC%9D%E8%87%BA%E7%81%A3%E6%8D%90%E8%B4%88%E9%98%B2%E7%96%AB%E7%89%A9%E8%B3%87%E4%B8%80%E8%A6%BD%E8%A1%A8_%E6%9B%B4%E6%96%B0.pdf\n王維菁（2015）。〈輸出美國: 美國新聞署與美國公眾外交〉，《傳播, 文化與政治》，1：201-205。\n以色列外交部（2020年5月7日）。#CoronaVirus had a dramatic impact on the role of #DigitalDiplomacy, which is now more important than ever before. Without physical spaces, many use #socialmedia to “socialize” and we’re taking advantage of that with engaging & relevant content that resonates with audiences.取自https://twitter.com/IsraelMFA/status/1258353199980990466\n石秀娟（2017年1月15日）。〈川普愛發推文 蔡英文參觀推特總部後也重返推特一族〉，《風傳媒》。取自https://www.storm.mg/article/213144\n安妮（2020年4月1日）。〈從辣台妹到台灣隊長，揭開蔡英文社群經營幕後秘辛〉，《INSIDE硬塞的網路趨勢觀察》。取自https://www.inside.com.tw/article/19391-Tsai-Ing-wen-social-media\n安倍晉三[AbeShinzo]（2021年4月28日)。今日のデザートはパイナップル。とっても美味しそう。取自https://twitter.com/AbeShinzo/status/1387227856611069952\n何渝婷（2019年8月27日）。〈Twitter大中華區董事總經理藍偉綸：資訊即時性及品牌包容度，是Twitter的重要競爭力！〉，《KNOWING 新聞》。取自https://news.knowing.asia/news/960dbbae-f19e-477f-854b-7d22feee8583\n吳嘉偉（2019）。《基於 Twitter 與 CVE 資訊的資訊安全漏洞預警系統》。中興大學資訊科學與工程學系所碩士論文。\n李亭宜（2017）。《運用 Twitter 數據分析消費者情緒與品牌價值關係之研究》。中山大學企業管理學系研究所碩士論文。\n邦交國，外交部網頁（2021年7月10日），取自https://www.mofa.gov.tw/AlliesIndex.aspx?n=167&sms=33\n周嶸（2012年6月12日）。〈空氣品質指數引發的外交風波〉，《中外對話》。取自https://chinadialogue.net/zh/7/41363/\n拉斐爾·卡佐拉·霍夫曼（無日期）。〈軟實力：台灣外交政策可運用的工具〉，財團法人國策研究文教基金會。取自http://inpr.org.tw/m/405-1728-1586,c112.php?Lang=zh-tw\n林夏妘（2020）。《運用 Twitter 推文辨識商品特徴與使用者情緒之關係》。臺中科技大學資訊管理系碩士班碩士論文。\n林淑芳（2018）。〈社群媒體與政治公民參與: 網路政治討論頻率與政治討論異質性的中介角色〉，《傳播與社會學刊》，（44）：25-48。\n林瑋豐（2020年3月8日）。〈蔡英文推特追蹤破80萬 鄭文燦、賴清德本周啟用帳號〉，《風傳媒》。取自https://www.storm.mg/article/2378957\n社群守則，Facebook網頁（無日期），取自https://zh-tw.facebook.com/communitystandards/integrity_authenticity\n侯承緯（2014）。《馬英九總統與活路外交: 2008 年到 2012 年》。中國文化大學中山與中國大陸研究所中國大陸組碩士論文。\n張瀞云（2018）。《Twitter 使用者之立場偵測:基於目標集子集的分而治技術應用於深度學習方法》。臺灣師範大學資訊工程學系碩士論文。\n梁冠凱（1985）。《紐約時報報導中華民國形象之分析》。中國文化大學新聞研究所碩士論文。\n莊國平（2008）。〈國家形象與公眾外交： 中共新國家形象建構之分析〉，《復興崗學報》，92：317-346。\n陳向明（2005）。社會科學質的研究。臺北: 五南圖書。\n陳祥、陳嘉珮（2009）。〈台灣國家形象轉變 20 年 (1986-2005)—紐約時報與華盛頓郵報形塑下的台灣〉，《傳播與管理研究》，1(9): 5-31。\n陳豔雲、區小瑩（2013）。〈論陳水扁執政時期臺灣的「非政府組織外交」〉，《臺灣研究集刊》，1：23-30。\n陳昺麟（2001）。〈社會科學質化研究之紮根理論實施程序及實例之介紹〉，《勤益學報》19:327-342。上網日期：2008年12月12日。取自http://140.128.95.1/handle/987654321/2237\n陳思傑（2018年8月13日） 。〈六都市長候選人的 IG 大戰〉，《社群丼-Spotlight》。取自https://medium.com/%E7%A4%BE%E7%BE%A4%E4%B8%BC-spotlight/%E5%85%AD%E9%83%BD%E5%B8%82%E9%95%B7%E5%80%99%E9%81%B8%E4%BA%BA%E7%9A%84-ig-%E5%A4%A7%E6%88%B0-4b1089b916b5\n陳凱俊（2020年4月9日）。〈譚德塞指控「種族歧視」獲非洲各國力挺 網揭真相：這招很有效〉，《鏡傳媒》。取自https://www.mirrormedia.mg/story/20200409edi035/\n陳貞樺（2020年5月7日）。〈「口罩外交」有效嗎？推特大數據分析，台灣國際形象如何翻轉悲情〉，《天下雜誌》。取自https://www.cw.com.tw/article/5100177\n傅澤民（2009）。《從現階段台日國會交流探討台灣的國會外交》。政治大學行政管理研究所碩士論文。\n傅澤民（2009）。《權力不對等之互動結構與小國面對強鄰的策略選擇:古巴,斯里蘭卡和台灣》。臺灣大學政治學研究所碩士論文。\n黃安偉（2013年1月13日）。〈該用什麼語言來形容北京的空氣？〉，《紐約時報中文網》。取自https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20130113/c13pollution/\n黃信雄（2020年4月15日）。〈蔡英文圈到泰國粉絲 推特追蹤破百萬成台灣最大咖〉，《風傳媒》。取自https://www.storm.mg/article/2523797\n楊淳卉（2020年3月8日）。〈推特追蹤突破80萬 蔡英文：歡迎一起幫台灣說故事〉，《自由時報》。取自https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/3092979\n劉艾倫（2019）。《推文軟實力:檢視蔡英文政府的公共外交》。中山大學亞太事務英語研究所碩士論文。\n蔡政修（2011）。〈全球公民社會中的國際政治傳播: 以臺灣參與聯合國專門組織為例〉，《遠景基金會季刊》，12(4)： 51-109。\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen] （2020年5月24日）。#Taiwan’s exclusion from the #WHA is a loss, not just for 23 million Taiwanese, but for the whole world. To truly realize #HealthForAll, the @WHO must put politics aside, so that Taiwan can share our expertise & contribute more to global health.取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/1396766094682034177\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen]（2017年1月15日）。Had a great visit to @Twitter HQ today. Thank you to @vijaya and team for showing us around! 取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/820455592301101056\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen]（2020年4月17日）。In our battle against #COVID19, social media reminds us that we’re #StrongerTogether. As my Twitter reaches 1 million followers, I want to thank you for supporting #Taiwan. I’ll keep sharing stories about how #TaiwanCanHelp, & I hope you’ll keep sharing your stories with me.取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/1251147904292581378\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen]（2020年4月9日）。Taiwan opposes all forms of discrimination. I want to take this opportunity to invite @WHO Director-General @DrTedros to visit Taiwan & experience for himself how committed the Taiwanese people are to engaging with the world & combating #COVID19. Statement:http://shorturl.at/fDI19。取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/1248116192780271616\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen]（2021年1月21日）。My congratulations to @JoeBiden & @KamalaHarris on your inauguration as @POTUS & @VP. We wish you and your administration every success. #Taiwan stands ready to work with you as a global force for good. #BetterTogether。取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/1351946172773007362\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen [iingwen]（2021年2月26日）。After Australian wine, unfair Chinese trade practices are now targeting #Taiwanese PineapplepineapplesPineapple. But that won’t stop us. Whether in a smoothie, a cake, or freshly cut on a plate, our pineapples always hit the spot. Support our farmers & enjoy delicious Taiwanese fruit!取自https://twitter.com/iingwen/status/1365253680606289921\n蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen（2020年3月8日）平常我也會用Twitter向國際社會介紹台灣的優點，推特上更有「#Twiplomacy」的說法，顯然在社群時代，大家上線其實也是在做外交。【臉書動態更新】。取自https://www.facebook.com/tsaiingwen/posts/10156512506931065\n謝宜婷（2019年2月）。數位外交，連結世界，台灣光華雜誌網站。民110年5月10日，取自https://www.taiwan-panorama.com/Articles/Details?Guid=4f469bcd-8626-492a-aba1-285f42b616e6&CatId=7\n鍾欣晏（2019）。《歐巴馬政府新公眾外交之研究：以美國駐中國使領館新浪微博運用為例》。淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所碩士論文。\n韓書雅（2017年1月20日）。〈蔡英文參訪Twitter總部重開帳號〉，民110年7月6日，《觀點傳媒》。取自https://eyeseenews.com/columns/11-news/international/2321-%E8%94%A1%E8%8B%B1%E6%96%87%E5%8F%83%E8%A8%AAtwitter%E7%B8%BD%E9%83%A8%E9%87%8D%E9%96%8B%E5%B8%B3%E8%99%9F\n簡恆宇（2019年7月6日）。〈如何用網路做外交？台灣數位外交協會：社群媒體讓人人都可以拉近、深化國家之間的關係〉，《風傳媒》。取自https://www.storm.mg/article/1457281\n顏如君（2015）。《資訊之散佈及處理—以企業使用 Twitter 為例》。臺灣大學會計學研究所碩士論文。\nAdesina, O. S. (2017). Foreign policy in an era of digital diplomacy. Cogent Social Sciences, 3 (1), 1297175. doi: 10.1080/23311886.2017.1297175\nAhmadian, S., Azarshahi, S., & Paulhus, D. L. (2017). Explaining Donald Trump via communication style: Grandiosity, informality, and dynamism. Personality and Individual Differences, 107, 49-53.\nAnholt, S. (2011). Beyond the nation brand: The role of image and identity in international relations. In Brands and branding geographies. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing.\nArmitage, R. L., & Nye, J. S. (2007). CSIS commission on smart power: A smarter, more secure America. CSIS. Washington DC: The CSIS Press.\nBoulding, K. E. (1959). National images and international systems. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 3(2), 120-131.\nBoyd, D. M., & Ellison, N. B. (2007). Social network sites: Definition, history, and scholarship. Journal of Computer‐mediated Communication, 13(1), 210-230.\nBoyd, D., Golder, S., & Lotan, G. (2010, January). Tweet, tweet, retweet: Conversational aspects of retweeting on twitter. Paper presented at the 43rd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. doi: 10.1109/HICSS.2010.412\nCacioppo, J. T., Fowler, J. H., & Christakis, N. A. (2009). Alone in the crowd: the structure and spread of loneliness in a large social network. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97(6), 977-991.\nCastells, M. (2008). The new public sphere: Global civil society, communication networks, and global governance. The aNNalS of the American academy of Political and Social Science, 616(1), 78-93.\nCastells, M. (2015). Networks of outrage and hope: Social movements in the Internet age. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.\nCha, M., Haddadi, H., Benevenuto, F., & Gummadi, K. (2010). Measuring user influence in Twitter: The million follower fallacy. Proceedings of the international AAAI conference on web and social media, 4(1), 10-17. Retrieved from https://ojs.aaai.org/index.php/ICWSM/article/view/14033\nChan, G. (1997). Taiwan as an emerging foreign aid donor: Developments, problems and prospects, Pacific Affairs,70(1), 37-56.\nChhabra, R. (2020). Twitter diplomacy: A brief analysis (ISSUE NO. 335). India: Observer Research Foundation-ORF.\nCohen, M. S., & McIntyre, K. (2021). Tweeter-in-chief: Rwandan president Paul Kagame’s use of Twitter. Journal of African Media Studies, 13(1), 17-33.\nCoombs, W. T. (1998). The internet as potential equalizer: New leverage for confronting social irresponsibility. Public Relations Review, 24(3), 289-290.\nCull, N. J. (2008). Public diplomacy: Taxonomies and histories. The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616(1), 31-54.\nCull, N. J. (2009). Public diplomacy: Lessons from the past. Los Angeles, CA: Figueroa Press.\nCull, N. J. (2011). WikiLeaks, public diplomacy 2.0 and the state of digital public diplomacy. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 7(1), 1-8.\nCyberspace and social media are more powerful than nuclear bombs (2017). Retrieved from https://english.khamenei.ir/news/4952/Cyberspace-and-social-media-are-more-powerful-than-nuclear-bombs\nDavison, W. P. (1965). International political communication, CT: Praeger Publishers.\nDenton Jr. R E., &Woodward G, C. (1990). Political communication in America. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.\nDepartment of State Library (1987). Dictionary of International Relations Terms. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Publishing Office.\nDinata, M. S. J. (2014). Twiplomacy: How Twitter Affects Contemporary Public Diplomacy. Universitas Paramadina.\nDumčiuvienė, A. (2016). Twiplomacy: the meaning of social media to public diplomacy and foreign policy of Lithuania. Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review, 35, 92-118.\nDuncombe, C. (2017). Twitter and transformative diplomacy: social media and Iran–US relations. International Affairs, 93 (3), 545-562.\nEnli, G. (2017). Twitter as arena for the authentic outsider: exploring the social media campaigns of Trump and Clinton in the 2016 US presidential election. European journal of communication, 32(1), 50-61.\nFitzpatrick, K. (2007). Advancing the new public diplomacy: A public relations perspective. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 2(3), 187-211.\nFrame, A., & Brachotte, G. (2015). Le tweet stratégique: Use of twitter as a PR tool by French politicians. Public relations review, 41(2), 278-287.\nGainous, J., & Wagner, K.M. (2013). Tweeting to Power: The Social Media Revolution in American Politics. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.\nGiansante, G. (2015). Online political communication. New York, NY: Springer.\nGraffy, C. P. (2009). The rise of public diplomacy 2.0. Journal of International Security Affairs, 17(23), 47-53.\nGraham, M., & Avery, E. (2013). Government public relations and social media: An analysis of the perceptions and trends of social media use at the local government level. Public Relations Journal, 7(4), 1-21.\nGrant, W. J., Moon, B., & Busby Grant, J. (2010). Digital dialogue? Australian politicians` use of the social network tool Twitter. Australian journal of political Science, 45(4), 579-604.\nGrunig, J. E., & Hunt, T. T. (1984). Managing public relations. New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.\nGrunig, J. E., & White, J. (1992). The effect of worldviews on public relations theory and practice. Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management (pp. 31-64). New York, NY: Routledge.\nHanson, Fergus (2012). Baked in and wired: eDiplomacy@State. Washington DC: Brookings Institution.\nHartig, F. (2014). New public diplomacy meets old public diplomacy–the case of China and its Confucius Institutes. New Global Studies, 8(3), 331-352.\nHerrmann, R. K. (2003). Image theory and strategic interaction in international relations. In D. O. Sears, L. Huddy, & R. Jervis, (Eds.), Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology (pp. 285-314), Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.\nHlihor, E. (2020). Military public diplomacy in the social media age. Strategic changes in security and international relations, 64(3), 64-165.\nHofstede, G. (1984). Cultural dimensions in management and planning. Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 1(2), 81-99.\nHolsti, O. R. (1969). Content analysis for the social sciences and humanities. Boston, MA: Addison-Wesley.\nHuang, Z. A., & Wang, R. (2019). Building a network to “tell China stories well”: Chinese diplomatic communication strategies on Twitter. International Journal of Communication, 13, 2984–3007.\nHuang, Z. A., & Wang, R. (2020). ‘Panda engagement ’in China’s digital public diplomacy. Asian Journal of Communication, 30(2), 118-140.\nHughes, K. (2020). Trump`s twiplomacy-A new diplomatic norm? [Master’s thesis]. Available from Malmö University Publications. (URN: urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22515)\nIosifidis, P., & Wheeler, M. (2016). Public diplomacy 2.0 and the social media. In public spheres and mediated social networks in the western context and beyond (pp. 149-173). Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.\nJack Dorsey.[jack]. (2019.10.31). We’ve made the decision to stop all political advertising on Twitter globally. We believe political message reach should be earned, not bought. Why? A few reasons…Retrieved from https://twitter.com/jack/status/1189634369016586240\nJönsson, C., & Hall, M. (2005). Essence of diplomacy. New York, NY: Springer.\nKalin, I. (2011). Soft power and public diplomacy in Turkey. Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs, 16(3), 5-23.\nKaplan, A. M., & Haenlein, M. (2010). Users of the world, unite! The challenges and opportunities of social media. Business Horizons, 53(1), 59-68.\nKathy Fitzpatrick, J. D., Fullerton, J., & Kendrick, A. (2013). Public relations and public diplomacy: Conceptual and practical connections. Public Relations Journal, 7(4), 1-21.\nKhan, G. F., Yoon, H. Y., & Park, H. W. (2014). Social media communication strategies of government agencies: Twitter use in Korea and the USA. Asian Journal of Communication, 24(1), 60-78.\nKim, J. (2016). Public relations and public diplomacy in cultural and educational exchange programs: A orientational approach to the Humphrey Program. Public Relations Review, 42(1), 135-145.\nKim, Y., & Chen, H. T. (2016). Social media and online political participation: The mediating role of exposure to cross-cutting and like-minded perspectives. Telematics and Informatics, 33(2), 320-330.\nLaMarre, H. L., & Suzuki-Lambrecht, Y. (2013). Tweeting democracy? Examining Twitter as an online public relations strategy for congressional campaigns’. Public Relations review, 39(4), 360-368.\nLewis, D. (2014). Digital diplomacy. Retrieved from Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations Website: http://www.gatewayhouse.in/digital-diplomacy-2/\nLiu, M. & Hung, L. (2002). Identity issues in Taiwan`s history curriculum. International Journal of Educational Research, 37(6-7), 567-586.\nMangold, W. G., & Faulds, D. J. (2009). Social media: The new hybrid element of the promotion mix. Business Horizons, 52(4), 357-365.\nManheim, J. B. (1994). Strategic public diplomacy and American foreign policy: The evolution of influence lit. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.\nMartin, I., & Eroglu, S. (1993). Measuring a multi-dimensional construct: Country image. Journal of Business Research, 28, 191-210.\nMcNair, B. (1995). An introduction to political communication. London, UK: Routledge.\nMelissen, J. (Ed.). (2005). The new public diplomacy. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.\nMiller, C. [Carl Miller]. (2019, October 31). My main concern with micro-targeted ads on SM during elections is that it means you can tell thousands of different stories to different groups without the other groups hearing what you`re saying. [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/carljackmiller/status/1189652008900481024\nNick, S. (2001). Use of language in diplomacy. In language and diplomacy. In J. Kurbalija and H. Slavik, (Eds.), Language and Diplomacy (pp. 39–48). Msida, Malta: Diplo Projects.\nNye, J. S. (1990). Soft power. Foreign Policy, 80, 153-171.\nNye, J. S. (2008). Public diplomacy and soft power. The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616(1), 94-109.\nO’Boyle, J. (2019). Twitter diplomacy between India and the United States: Agenda-building analysis of tweets during presidential state visits. Global Media and Communication, 15(1), 121-134.\nObar, J.A. and Wildman, S. (2015). Social media definition and the governance challenge: An introduction to the special issue. Telecommunications Policy, 39(9), 745-750.\nPamment, J. (2012). New public diplomacy in the 21st century: A comparative study of policy and practice. Abingdon, UK: Routledge.\nPfeffer, J., Zorbach, T., & Carley, KM (2014). Understanding online firestorms: Negative word-of-mouth dynamics in social media networks. Journal of Marketing Communication, 20(1-2): 117-128.\nPfeil, U., Arjan, R., & Zaphiris, P. (2009). Age differences in online social networking—A study of user profiles and the social capital divide among teenagers and older users in MySpace. Computers in Human Behavior, 25(3), 643-654. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2008.08.015\nRawnsley, G. D. (2014). Taiwan’s soft power and public diplomacy. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 43(3), 161-174.\nSevin, E. (2015). Pathways of connection: An analytical approach to the impacts of public diplomacy. Public Relations Review, 41(4), 562-568.\nSevin, E. (2017). Public diplomacy and the implementation of foreign policy in the US, Sweden and Turkey. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.\nSevin, E., & Ingenhoff, D. (2018). Public diplomacy on social media: Analyzing networks and content. International Journal of Communication, 12, 3663-3685.\nSignitzer, B. H., & Coombs, T. (1992). Public relations and public diplomacy: Conceptual convergences. Public Relations Review, 18(2), 137-147.\nŠimunjak, M., & Caliandro, A. (2019). Twiplomacy in the age of Donald Trump: Is the diplomatic code changing?. The Information Society, 35(1), 13-25.\nSnow, N. (1998). The Smith-Mundt Act of 1948, Peace Review, 10(4),619-624.\nSortiriu, S. (2015). Digital diplomacy: Between promises and reality, in Bjola, C, and Holmes, M.(eds) Digital diplomacy: Theory and practice. New York, NY: Routledge.\nSzondi, G. (2008). Central and eastern European public diplomacy. In N. Snow, & P. Taylor (Eds.), Handbook of public diplomacy (pp. 292-313). New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.\nThe Scotsman, (2012, July 27). A little bird told me… Obama is the most popular president on Twitter. Retrieved from https://www.scotsman.com/news/world/little-bird-told-me-obama-most-popular-president-twitter-1616423\nThree Technology Revolutions. Retrieved June 29, 2021, from https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/three-technology-revolutions/\nTim, M. (2021, March 19). China and Taiwan face off in pineapple war. BBC News. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/business-56353963\nToby Bloomberg (2009) Interview with David Saranga, Israel Consulate: A Twitter Press Conference. Retrieved June 23, 2021, from Bloomberg marketing blog: Retrieved from https://bloombergmarketing.blogs.com/bloomberg_marketing/2009/03/a-few-weeks-ago-now-that-a-few-weeks-have-passed-in-retrospective---tobydiva-marketing-using-twitter-as-a-media-conferen.html\nTuch, H. N. (1990). Communicating with the world: US public diplomacy overseas. New York: St. Martin`s Press.\nTwitter diplomacy (2004, July 22). In Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved June 30, 2021, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twitter_diplomacy\nTwitter Transparency Reports (2020). Retrieved from https://transparency.twitter.com/en/reports/information-requests.html#anchor-1-1:2020-jan-jun:\nU.S. Government Accountability Office. (2005). U.S. public diplomacy: Interagency coordination efforts hampered by the lack of a national communicationstrategy. Retrieved from https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-05-323\nUysal, N., & Schroeder, J. (2019). Turkey’s Twitter public diplomacy: Towards a “new” cult of personality. Public Relations Review, 45(5), 101837.\nWang, H. (2003). National image building and Chinese foreign policy. China: An International Journal, 1(1), 46-72.\nWang, K. (n.d.). Taiwan`s Diplomatic Policy under the MA Ying-jeou Administration Retrieved from https://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/news/taiwans_diplomatic_policy_under_the_ma_yingjeou_administration\nWolf Jr, C., & Rosen, B. (2004). Public diplomacy: How to think about and improve it. RAND Corp Santa Monica CA.\nYang, J. (2008, May). One War, Three Pictures: A Cross-Country Analysis of the 2003 Iraq War. International Communication Association, Symposium Conducted at the Meeting of 2008 Annual Meeting, Montreal, Quebec.\nZaharna, R. S. (2007). The soft power differential: Network communication and mass communication in public diplomacy. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 2(3), 213-228. doi:10.1163/187119007X240505\nZaharna, R. S. (2010). Battles to bridges: US strategic communication and public diplomacy after 9/11. New York, NY: Springer.\nZaharna, R. S., & Uysal, N. (2016). Going for the jugular in public diplomacy: How adversarial publics using social media are challenging state legitimacy. Public Relations Review, 42(1), 109-119.\nZhang, X. (2018). Social media popularity and election results: A study of the 2016 Taiwanese general election. PLoS ONE 13(11): e0208190. doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0208190\nZhong, X., & Lu, J. (2012, May). Public diplomacy 2.0: a study on self-portrayal of US ambassador’s image at Weibo. Paper Presented at the 2021 International Communication Conference, Phoenix, Arizona.\nZhong, X., & Lu, J. (2013). Public diplomacy meets social media: A study of the US Embassy`s blogs and micro-blogs. Public Relations Review, 39(5), 542-548. | 描述: | 碩士 國立政治大學 傳播學院碩士在職專班 108941021 |
資料來源: | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108941021 | 資料類型: | thesis |
| Appears in Collections: | 學位論文 |
Files in This Item:
| File | Description | Size | Format | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 102101.pdf | 5.44 MB | Adobe PDF2 | View/Open |
Items in DSpace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.