Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/139299
題名: 歐巴馬與川普政府對北韓政策之比較
Comparison between the U.S. Policies toward North Korea of Obama and Trump Administration
作者: 楊維能
Yang, Wei-Neng
貢獻者: 盧業中
Lu, Yeh-Chung
楊維能
Yang, Wei-Neng
關鍵詞: 嚇阻理論
延伸性嚇阻
戰略忍耐
極限施壓
北韓核武問題
North Korean Nuclear Issue
Deterrence
Extended Deterrence
Strategic Patience
Maximum Pressure
日期: 2022
上傳時間: 1-三月-2022
摘要: 美國自1990年代初期的第一次核武危機至今,共歷經了四任總統,然而卻在北韓核武問題上遲遲無法有所突破。北韓至今共進行了六次的核試爆,甚至已具備發射洲際導彈的能力,威脅持續升高。然而自六方會談破局後,國際間再沒有類似的多邊機制,能夠藉由主要相關國家的力量來共同形塑北韓的行為。在缺乏多邊機制的情況下,延伸性嚇阻儼然成為美國政府面對北韓問題的主要手段之一,以阻止北韓採取破壞現狀,威脅東北亞區域的安全。\n\n本文研究目的主要針對美國延伸性嚇阻對東北亞區域安全之重要性、六方會談敗局後美國對北韓政策轉變、及歐巴馬與川普政府對北韓政策之異同與盟國反應等問題進行探究,透過文獻分析及比較研究法,並以嚇阻理論作為研究途徑,試圖比較歐巴馬與川普政府對北韓之政策。筆者藉各項文獻之梳理,列舉出「核武運用」、「傳統武力運用」、「結盟」與「國際制度」等各項國家領導人能夠影響延伸性嚇阻成效之因素,作為比較兩任政府對北韓政策之指標。\n\n歐巴馬政府上任之初曾試圖爭取重啟六方會談,惟北韓態度的反覆轉變以及不守承諾,導致歐巴馬對北韓政策逐漸轉趨為強硬的制裁與冷漠的應對,形成「戰略忍耐」政策。而川普上任後,大肆批評歐巴馬的北韓政策,認為其縱容北韓不斷地取得核武及導彈能力的進展,因而採取「極限施壓」政策,主張加強對北韓的制裁,並且不排除使用有限度武力,逼迫其重回外交對話。北韓問題雖未在歐巴馬或川普政府期間得到明顯改善,然若以延伸性嚇阻的角度作檢視,可發現相較於川普政府,歐巴馬政府的北韓政策較符合學術界對延伸性嚇阻的定義,對於東北亞區域安全穩定的維持亦較有正面影響。
The United States has been through four administrations since the first North Korean nuclear crisis in the 1990s, yet it has still not been able to make a significant breakthrough on the North Korea nuclear issue. North Korea has conducted 6 nuclear tests by far and even claimed to have ICBM capabilities, which posed increasing threats in the region. Ever since the six-party-talks ended, the international society has been lacking a multilateral mechanism alike that can get key relevant countries together to shape North Korea`s behavior. With a lack of multilateral mechanism, extended deterrence thus became one of the primary means that the U.S. government can rely on when it comes to North Korea issue.\n\nThe purpose of this study was to analyze issues including the importance of U.S. extended deterrence to North East Asia security, the U.S. North Korea policy shift since the end of the six-party-talks, and the similarities and differences between Obama and Trump administrations` North Korea policy and the reactions of allies. Document analysis and comparative research methods were applied as research methods, and deterrence theory was utilized as research approach in this study. Several factors that can have impacts on the effectiveness of extended deterrence such as employment of nuclear weapons, employment of conventional forces, allies, and international mechanism have been listed as indicators for comparing these two administrations` North Korea policy.\n\nObama administration initially attempted to get back to the six-party-talks, but the capricious attitude and untrustworthiness of North Korea regime caused the adoption of "strategic patience" policy, meaning the policy of tough sanctions and indifferent responses. Since Trump took office, he had criticized Obama`s North Korea policy and believed it had only allowed North Korea to incessantly advance its nuclear and missile capabilities, and therefore decided to adopt "maximum pressure" policy that was aimed at ramping up the sanctions and pushing North Korea back to diplomatic dialogue with considerations of using limited military force. Although North Korea problem has not been solved during Obama or Trump administration, Obama`s North Korea policy seemingly met the academic definition of extended deterrence better than Trump`s, and it also had more positive impacts on maintaining North East Asia security.
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Obama`s Dilemma on North Korea,” North Korean Review, Vol. 7, No. 2 (FALL 2011), pp.73-81.\nRhodes, Edward, “Conventional Deterrence,” Comparative Strategy, Vol.19(2000), pp.221-253.\nRoberts, Brad, “Extended Deterrence and Strategic Stability in Northeast Asia,” NIDS Visiting Scholar Paper Series, No.1 (August 2013), pp.1-36.\nRoehrig, Terence, "The U.S. Nuclear Umbrella over South Korea: Nuclear Weapons and Extended Deterrence," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 132(2017), pp.651-684.\nSagan, Scott, “The Korean Missile Crisis-Why Deterrence Is Still the Best Option,” Foreign Affairs, November/December 2017.\nSong, Sun Young, “North Korea`s Nuclear Issue,” Journal of Northeast Asian Studies, Vol. X, No.3 (Fall 1991), pp.61-81.\nSmith, Alastair, “Extended Deterrence and Alliance Formation,” International Interactions, Vol. 24(1998), pp.315-343.\nSnyder, Scott, “Negotiating on the Edge: Patterns in North Korea’s Diplomatic Style,” World Affairs, Vol.163, No.1 (Summer 2000), pp.3-17.\nStokes, Doug, “Trump, American Hegemony and the Future of the Liberal International Order,” International Affairs, Vol. 94, No. 1(2018), pp.133-150.\nWit, Joel,“ Trapped in No-Man’s-Land: The Future of US Policy Toward North Korea,” US-Korea Institute at SAIS, (June 2016), pp.1-20.\nYost, David, “US Extended Deterrence in NATO and North-East Asia,” Foundation for Strategic Research (2010 April), pp.13-34.\n“Joint Statement for the Record on Fiscal Year 2013 National Defense Authorization Budget Request for Department of Defense Nuclear Forces Programs,” Committee on Armed Services U.S. Senate (March 28, 2012), pp.1-682.\n\n網際網路\nAlbert, Eleanor, “The China–North Korea Relationship,” Council on Foreign Relations, https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-north-korea-relationship (June 25, 2019).\nBandow, Doug, “Donald Trump Criticizes Washington’s Policy Elite—With Cause,” CATO Institute, https://www.cato.org/blog/donald-trump-criticizes-washingtons-policy-elite-cause (May 17, 2016).\nBarone, Emily, “This Writer Ranked American History`s Dirtiest Elections. Here’s What He Says About 2016,” Times, https://time.com/4554784/dirtiest-elections-american-history-2016/ (November 3, 2016).\nCha, Victor, “China’s Newest Province?” The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/20/opinion/will-north-korea-become-chinas-newest-province.html (December 19, 2011).\nCha, Victor, “North Korea’s Moment of Truth,” CNN, http://edition.cnn.com/2014/11/18/opinion/north-korea-un- resolution-kirby/ (December 27, 2011).\nChoe, Sang-Hun, “‘We No Longer Need’ Nuclear or Missile Tests, North Korean Leader Says,” The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/20/world/asia/kim-jong-un-hotline-korea.html (April 20, 2018).\nClinton, Hilary, “America’s Pacific Century,” Foreign Policy, https://foreignpolicy.com/2011/10/11/americas-pacific-century (October 11, 2011).\nCollina, Tom,“Trump, Nukes, and No First Use,” Defense One, https://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2019/01/trump-nukes-and-no-first-use/154547/ (January 31, 2019).\nFleming, Ian, “CVID vs FFVD: An Incoherent Denuclearization Foreign Policy That is Playing to North Korea’s Time Delaying Tactics,” The Geopolitics, https://thegeopolitics.com/cvid-vs-ffvd-an-incoherent-denuclearization-foreign-policy-that-is-playing-to-north-koreas-time-delaying-tactics/ (October 6, 2018)\nGlaser, Bonnie, “Pivot to Asia : Prepare for Unintended Consequences,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, http://csis.org/files/publication/120413_gf_glaser.pdf (2012).\nHuisken, Ron, “Donald Trump May Have Already Changed the World," East Asia Forum, https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/11/15/does-trump-signal-the-end-of-american-unipolarity/#more-53117 (November 15th, 2016).\nKahl, Colin, “Trump Has Nobody to Blame for North Korea but Himself,” Foreign Policy, https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/07/11/trump-has-nobody-to-blame-but-himself-for-north-korea-nuclear-pyongyang-pompeo/ (July 11, 2018).\nKimball, Daryl, “Recalibrating U.S. Policy Toward North Korea,” Arms Control Association, https://armscontrol.org/Issue-Briefs/2017-02-01/Recalibrating-US-Policy-Toward-North-Korea (February 2017).\nKimball, Daryl, “The Case for a U.S. No-First-Use Policy,” Arms Control Association, https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2018-10/focus/case-us-first-use-policy (October, 2018).\nKertzer, Joshua and Zeitzoff, Thomas, “Beyond Narcissism: What Political Psychology Tells Us About Foreign Policy Under Trump,” Political Violence at a Glance, https://politicalviolenceataglance.org/2017/02/13/beyond-narcissism-what-political-psychology-tells-us-about-foreign-policy-under-trump/ (13 February, 2017).\nLandler, Mark, “Trump Abandons Iran Nuclear Deal He Long Scorned,” The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/08/world/middleeast/trump-iran-nuclear-deal.html (8 May, 2018).\nLee, Sun-Ho, “CVID, PVID, SVID and What Else?” The Korea Times, http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/opinon/2018/06/162_249399.html (May 22, 2018).\nMattis, Jim and Tillerson, Rex, “We’re Holding Pyongyang to Account,” 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描述: 碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班
109922011
資料來源: http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0109922011
資料類型: thesis
Appears in Collections:學位論文

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