Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/60601
題名: 冷戰後美中權力關係之研究-以權力轉移理論分析
Research of the American-China power relations after the cold war-A perspective of power transition theory
作者: 陳仁欽
貢獻者: 邱坤玄
陳仁欽
關鍵詞: 超級強權
崛起強權
中國崛起
權力轉移
日期: 2010
上傳時間: 9-九月-2013
摘要: 對於國際格局的變化,長久以來,國際關係學者對強權間的競爭,始終充滿著濃厚的興趣。因此,有許多著名的理論不斷的被提出,也引發國際間很多的爭論,其中最核心的問題,莫過於「新興大國的崛起對於既有強權,以及其所維持的世界秩序之挑戰。」雖然,有些學者認為這種對抗觀點在冷戰結束後已不再適用,但是,近年來,隨著中國大陸經濟持續高速成長,關於中國大陸的議題不再集中在中國大陸是否能夠崛起,而是中國大陸將以何種方式崛起?其核心問題是,中國大陸是否將重導歷史上大國崛起的經歷,即與霸權國發生衝突和對抗,從而導致國際關係的劇烈動盪,甚至是戰爭?還是走向和平發展的道路,成為推動和維護國際穩定繁榮的重要力量?這是一個異常複雜和難以回答的問題。本文研究目的乃在試圖解構冷戰後美中權力關係互動的實質內容,並進行合理的解釋,俾利達到理論與事實相互輔佐的功能。\n根據權力轉移理論的觀點,國際體系不斷重複權力轉移的現象,而這種權力轉移的現象,大多伴隨著戰爭而發生。但是,也有例外的證例,如20世紀英美的權力轉移。冷戰後,美中對彼此的戰略布局,其主軸乃圍繞在「超級強權」與「崛起強權」的思維上,即美國所思慮的是如何因應「中國崛起」對其霸權地位的挑戰;而中國大陸所面臨的是如何突破美國對其崛起的制約。至於美中權力關係的互動是朝戰爭或和平的權力轉移,仍有待觀察。然而,可以肯定的是,是否走向戰爭或和平之路乃取決於美中兩國對彼此的權力差距與滿意度,如果權力差距縮小;且不滿意程度越高,則發生戰爭的機率就越高。\n權力轉移即是權力流動變化的一種現象,在權力重新分布的轉換過程裡,不只是國家與國家的雙邊關係受到權力轉移的影響而改變,而且區域與全球的國際秩序也因為國家之間實力的接近而重新調整。美中關係的變化即是一個典型的以「權力重新分布」為基礎的權力政治。美國與中國大陸之所以進行戰略競爭,其最主要的驅動力量係來自於兩國之間的權力轉移-包括雙方各自內部的經濟與軍事力量的不平均發展(而且是中國大陸高於;且快於美國),以及外部的國家實力接近。這個現象適足以被國際關係理論中的「權力轉移理論」所解釋。
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Eaine, “Preemptive Action: When, How, and to What Effect?” Strategic Forum 200 (July, 2003), p.1-8.\nCampbell Horace, “China in Africa: Challenging US Global Hegemony,” Third World Quarterly 29(1) (February, 2008.), p. 89-105.\nChen Edward I-hsin. “A Retrospective and Prospective Overview of U.S.-PRC-ROC Relations,” Views & Policies 2(1), (December 2005), p. 1-35.\nChi Wang, “Witnessing Change: Three Decades of US-China Relations,” Washington Journal of Modern China 9(1), (2008), p. 41-44.\nChristensen Thomas J. “Chinese Realpolitik,” Foreign Affairs 75(5), (September/October, 1996), p. 37-52.\n. “China, the U. S. - Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma in East Asia,” International Security 23(4) (Spring 1999), p. 49-78.\n. “Fostering Stability or Creating a Monster? The Rise of China and US Policy toward East Asia,” International Security 31(1) (Summer 2006), p. 81-126.\nCopeland Dale C, “Neorealism and the Myth of Bipolar Stability: Toward a New Dynamic Realist Theory of Major War,” Security Studies 5 (Spring 1996), p. 29-89.\nCossa Ralph, “US Security Strategy in Asia and the Prospects for an Asian Regional Security Regime,” Asia-Pacific Review 12(1) (May 2005), p. 64-86.\nDiehl Paul and Gary Goertz, “Territorial Changes and Militarized Conflict,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 32(1) (March1988), p. 103-122.\nDreyer June Teufel, “US-China Relations: Engagement or Taking Past Each Other?” Journal of Contemporary China 17(57) (November 2008): 591-609.\nEconomy Elizabeth, “Don’t Break the Engagement,” Foreign Affairs 83(3) (May/June, 2004), p. 96-109.\nEllis Jason D. & Todd M. Koca, “China Rising: New Challenges to the U.S. Security Posture,” Strategic Forum 175 (October 2000), p. 1-4.\nFerguson Nail, “Hegemony or Empire,” Foreign Affairs 82(5) (September/October, 2003), p. 154-161.\nForsyth David P., “US Foreign Policy and Human Rights,” Journal of Human Rights 1(4) (December2002), p. 501-521.\nFriedberg Aaron L., “The Future of US-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?” International Security 30(2) (Fall 2005), p. 7-45.\nChellaney Brahma, “Forestalling Strategic Conflict in Asia,” Far Eastern Economic Review 169(9)(November 2006), p. 29-33.\nGholz Eugene Press Daryl G. and Sapolsky Harvey M., “Come Home, America: The Strategy of Restraint in Face of Temptation.” International Security 21(4) (Spring 1997), p. 5-48.\nGill Bates, “Limited Engagement,” Foreign Affairs 78(4) (July/August, 1999), p. 65-76.\nGray Christine, “The US National Security Strategy and the New Bush Doctrine on Preemptive Self-defense,” Chinese Journal of International Law 1(2) (2002), p. 437-448.\nGodwin Paul H.B., “From Continent to Periphery: PLA Doctrine, Strategy, and Capabilities Towards 2000,” China Quarterly, 146 (June 1996), p. 464-487.\nHass, Ernst B., “The Balance of Power: Prescription, Concept or Propaganda,” World Politics V (July1953), p. 442-477.\nHirsh Michael, “Bush and the World,” Foreign Affairs 81(5) (September/October, 2002), p. 18-44.\nHughes Christopher, “Not Quite the ‘Great Britain of the Far East’: Japan’s Security, US-Japan Alliance and the ‘War on Terror’ in East Asia,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 20(2) (June 2007), p. 325-338.\nHu Richard W.X., “APEC and Future Asia-Pacific Regional Architecture,” American Foreign Policy Interests 31(1) (January 2009), p. 12-22.\nHuntington, Samuel P., “The US-Decline or Renewal?” Foreign Affairs 67(2) (Winter 1988/1989), p. 76-96.\nJencks Harlan W., “China’s ‘Punitive’ War on Vietnam: A Military Assessment,” Asian Survey 19(8) (August 1979), p. 801-815.\nJue Stanton, “US-China Relations: Lessons Learned, New Challenges,” Washington Journal of Modern China 9(1) (2008), p. 35-39.\nKindlrberger Charles, “Dominance and Leadership in the International Economy,” International Studies Quarterly 25(2) (1981), p. 242-254.\nKravis, Irving B. “An Approximation of the Relative Real Per Capita GDP of the People’s Republic of China,” Journal of Comparative Economics 5(1) (March 1981), p. 60-78.\nKristof Nicholas D., “The Rise of China,” Foreign Affairs 72(5) (November/December, 1993), p. 59-74.\nKristol William and Robert Kagan, “Toward a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 75(4) (July/August, 1996), p. 18-32.\nLabs Eric J., “Countering Attack Sub Shortfalls,” Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute 128(9) (September 2002), p. 46-49.\nLai Hongyi Harry. “Behind China’s World Trade Organization Agreement with the U.S.A,” Third World Quarterly 22(2) (April 2001), p. 237-255.\nLampton David M., “The Faces of Chinese Power,” Foreign Affairs 86(1)(January/February, 2007), p. 115-127.\nLee Dong Sun, “Democratization and US-South Korea Alliance,” Journal of East Asia Studies 7(3) (Sep/Dec, 2007), p. 469-499.\nLitwak Robert S., “The New Calculus of Preemption,” Survival 44(4) (Winter 2002-2003), p. 53-80.\nLowry, Richard, “Reaganism vs. Neo-Reaganism.” National Interest 79 (Spring 2005), p. 128-134.\nLord, Winston, “China and America: Beyond the Big Chill,” Foreign Affairs 68(4) (Fall 1989), p. 1-26.\nLynn-Jones, Sean M., “Book Review on the Tragedy of Great Power Politics,” International Affairs 78(2) (April 2002), p. 365.\nMarti, Michael E., ‘China: Making the Case for Realistic Engagement,” Strategic Forum 185 (September 2001), p. 1-4.\nMaynes, Charles William, “Contending Schools,” National Interest 63 (Spring2001), p. 49-58.\nMacfarlane, S. Neil, “The United States and Regionalism in Central Asia,” International Affairs 80(3) (May 2004), p. 447-461.\nMertus, Julie, “Raising Expectations: Civil Society’s Influence on Human Rights and US Foreign Policy,” Journal of Human Rights 3(1)1 (March 2004), p. 21-40.\nMunro, Ross H., “Awakening Dragon: The Real Danger in Asia from China,” Policy Review 62 (Fall 1992), p. 10-17.\nNye, Joseph, “Soft Power,” Foreign Policy 80 (Fall 1990), p. 153-171.\n, “The Case for Deep Engagement,” Foreign Affairs 74(4) (July/August, 1995), p. 90-102.\n, “China’s Re-Emergence and the Future of the Asia-Pacific,” Survival 39(4) (Winter 1997/1998), p. 65-79.\n, “The Future of China-US Relations,” Washington Journal of Modern China 9(1) (2008), p. 29-34.\nPablo-Baviera, Aileen San, “The China Factor in US Alliances in East Asia and the Asia Pacific 1,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 57(2) (July 2003), p. 339-353.\nPavliatenko Victor, “U.S. Policy in East Asia: Interests, Problems, and Prospects,” Far Eastern Affairs 30 (3) (2002), p. 67-86.\nRosen Barry and Andrew Ross, “Competing Visions for U. S. Grand Strategy,” International Security 21(3) (Winter 1996/1997), p. 5-53.\nRoy Denny, “Rising China and U. S. Interest: Inevitable vs. Contingent Hazards,” Orbis 47(1) (Winter2003), p. 125-137. \n, “China’s Reaction to American Predominance,” Survival 45(3)(Autumn 2003), p. 57-78.\nRumer Eugene B., “Central Asian Leadership Succession: When, Not If,” Strategic Forum 203 (December 2003), p. 1-6.\nScalapino Robert A., “Asia-Pacific Security: The Current Balance of Power,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 58(3) (September 2004), p. 368-376.\nSchmidt Todd, “US National Security Policy: Framing an Authentic Preemptive Strategy in the 21st Century,” Military Review 86(5) (Sep/Oct, 2006), p. 75-83.\nShambaugh David, “Growing Strong: China’s Challenge to Asian Security,” Survival 36(2) (Summer 1994), p. 43-59.\n, “Containment or Engagement of China ?: Calculating Beijing’s Responses .” International Security 21(2) (Fall 1996), p. 180-209.\n, “China Engages Asia: Reshaping the Regional Order,” International Security 29(3), (Winter2004/2005), p. 64-99.\nSinger David & Melvin Small, “The Composition and Status Ordering of the International System 1815-1940,” World Politics X V III(18), (January 1966), p. 236-282.\nSingh Jaswant, “Against Nuclear Apartheid,” Foreign Affairs 77(5), (September/October, 1998), p. 41-52.\nSnyder Glenn H., “Mearsheimer’s World: Offensive Realism and the Struggle for Security,” International Security 27(1), (Summer 2002), p. 149-173.\nSpence Jonathan D., “The Once and Future China,” Foreign Policy 146 (January/February, 2005), p. 44-46.\nSteinberg James, “Preventive Force in US National Security Strategy,” Survival 47(4), (Winter 2005), p. 55-72.\nSutter Robert, “China’s Rise in Asia: Are US Interests in Jeopardy?” American Asian Review X X I(2), (Summer 2003), p. 1-21.\n , “Why Does China Matter?,” Washington Quarterly 27(1), (Winter 2003/2004), p. 75-89.\nTerris Ross, “What Does China Want?” Wilson Quarterly 29(4), (Autumn2005), p. 50-61.\nTucker Robert W., “Reagan’s Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 68(1), (1988/1989), p. 1-27.\nWard Adam, “China and America: Trouble Ahead?,” Survival 45(3), (Autumn 2003), p. 36-56.\nWei Liang, “China’s WTO Negotiation Process and Its Implications,” Journal of Contemporary China 11(3), (November 2002), p. 683-719.\nWeston Stephanie A., “The US-Japan Alliance in the New Post Cold War,” Japanese Studies 24(1), (May 2004), p. 45-57.\nYordan Carlos L., “The Tragedy of Great Power Politics: Book Review,” Journal of International Relations and Development 6(1), (2003), p. 89-92.\nYong Deng, “Hegemon on the Offensive: Chinese Perspectives on U.S. Global Strategy,” Political Science Quarterly 116(3), (Fall 2001), p. 343-365.\nZoellick Robert B., “A Republican Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 79(1) (January/February, 2000), p. 63-78.\n伍、報刊\n一、中文報刊\n中國時報\n中央日報\n自由時報\n青年日報\n工商時報\n聯合報\n聯合早報\n南華早報\n人民日報(北京)\n環球時報(北京)\n解放軍報(北京)\n中央社(北京)\n文匯報(香港)\n二、英文報刊\nInternational Herald Tribune\nLos Angeles Times\nNew York Times\nWashington Post\nWashington Times\n陸、網站資料\n一、中文網站資料\n中共中央政府門戶網站,http://www.gov.cn\n人民網,http://military.people.com.cn/GB/8221/51758/51931/51935/3626059.html.\n新華網,http://big5.xinhuanet.com/gate/big5/news.xinhuanet.com/video/2007~10/20/content_6913002.htm.\n中國網,http://www.china.com.cn/chinese/zhuanti/244325.htm \n中新網,http://news.china.com/zh_cn/news100/11038989/20051215/12949764.html \n中國新聞網,http://www.cns.hk:89/gn/news/2008/07-29/1327576.shtml \n東北新聞網,http://mil.nen.com.cn/military/284/3192284.shtml \n世界新聞網http://www.worldjournal.com/wj~editor.php?nt_seq_id=1616988\n朝日新聞(東京),http://sss.asahi.com/politics/update/0507/TKY200805070034.html\n韓國時報(首爾),http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2008/05/116_24859.html\n解放軍報網, http://www.pladaily.com.cn/pladaily/shichuang/2001108/gb/2001108001252_dongtai.html \n中國軍網,http://www.chinamil.com.cn/ \n二、英文網站資料\n美國非政府組織軍事網,http://www.globalsecurity.org/ \n美國國防部,http://www.defenselink.mil\n詹氏防衛週刊http://jdw.janes.com/public/jdw/index.shtml \n蘭德公司http://www.rand.org\n布魯金斯學會http://www.brookings.org\n戰略研究中心http://www.africacenter.org/ \n美國新世紀計畫http://www.newamericancentury.org\n聯合國http://www.un.org
描述: 碩士
國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
98981004
99
資料來源: http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0098981004
資料類型: thesis
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