Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/67554
DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.advisor蕭宇超zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisorYuchau E. Hsiaoen_US
dc.contributor.author李平周zh_TW
dc.contributor.authorJohnnyen_US
dc.creator李平周zh_TW
dc.creatorJohnnyen_US
dc.date2013en_US
dc.date.accessioned2014-07-21T07:31:46Z-
dc.date.available2014-07-21T07:31:46Z-
dc.date.issued2014-07-21T07:31:46Z-
dc.identifierG0995550163en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/67554-
dc.description碩士zh_TW
dc.description國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description語言學研究所zh_TW
dc.description99555016zh_TW
dc.description102zh_TW
dc.description.abstract在前人的研究中,已透過音韻規則的角度分析梅縣客語 (Meixian Hakka) 和曼谷客語 (Bangkok Hakka), 但仍有部分疑問未獲得合理解釋。諸如:部分聲調不會受變調規則(Tone sandhi)的影響、變調的觸發條件以及本調 (Citation tone) 和變調間結構上的關係等。 有鑒於此,本研究透過優選理論 (Optimality theory, OT) 重新分析梅縣客語和曼谷客語。\n 上述兩個方言有兩種變調的方式 : 同化(assimilation)和異化(dissimilation)。在此基礎上,為了更準確的描述變調現象,本研究在分析上主要採用必要性起伏原則 (obligatory contour principle) 和避免起伏原則 (no-jumping principle),並應用聯合制約 (Constraint Conjunction approach) 的概念。採取此分析方式的理由在於分析對象的變調具有相當有標(marked)且受限於中心詞(head)右端音節的聲調。此外,本研究也採用一部分比聲調結構性制約(tonal markedness constraint)更高排序的信實性制約(faithfulness constraint)。這些制約會導致部分聲調或變調結構不受變調規則影響,例如:調域 (register) 和聲調的起點 (initial target) 將保留原始樣貌。\n 研究結果指出,聲調結構性制約和數個排序最高的聲調信實性制約能更準確地呈現梅縣客語和曼谷客語在變調時,輸入值與輸出值之間的對應關係 (input-output correspondence)。在論文結尾,筆者將綜覽本研究並提出未來可繼續延伸的相關議題。zh_TW
dc.description.abstractThe grammar of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi has been analyzed from a rule based approach. Nevertheless, there are some questions and details that could not be solved by the analysis, such as the status of tones that do not undergo sandhi, triggers of the tone sandhi, and the structural relation between citation tones and their sandhi counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to re-analyze the tone sandhi in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka under the constraint based framework, Optimality Theory (OT).\n There are two mechanisms of tonal alternations in the two dialects’ tone sandhi: assimilation, and dissimilation. So in order to capture the tonal alternations, the current analysis applies the concepts of the Obligatory Contour Principle, and the No-Jumping Principle. The constraints generated according to these principles work well with the application of the Constraint Conjunction approach. The conjoined constraints are needed since the tone alternations are highly marked, and depend a lot on the head/right syllable tone. Furthermore, this thesis also posits several faithfulness constraints that rank higher than the tone sandhi markedness constraint. The high ranked faithfulness constraints govern the preservation of several tones from any alternation, and preservation of some structures of the citation tones when they become sandhi tones (i.e. register and initial target). \n In conclusion, the positing of tone sandhi markedness constraints and undominated identity constraints presents a better input-output correspondence relation of the tone sandhi phenomena in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. To conclude the thesis, a brief summary of the study and possible further issues are presented.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontentsAcknowledgement v\nCurriculum vitae vii\nTable of contents ix\nChinese abstract xi\nEnglish abstract xiii\n\nCHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1\nCHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 4\n2.1 Theoretical Background 4\n2.1.1 Optimality Theory 4\n2.1.2 Correspondence Theory 5\n2.1.3 Constraint Conjunction 6\n2.2 Tone 8\n2.2.1 Tonal Markedness 8\n2.2.2 Internal Structure of Tone 9\n2.2.3 Syllable types and Tone duration (Zhang 1998) 11\n2.3 Chinese Tone Sandhi Typology (Bao 2011) 11\n2.4 Tone Sandhi and CCT (Lin 2011, Chen 2013) 12\nCHAPTER 3 OT ANALYSIS OF MEIXIAN HAKKA 13\n3.1 Tone Inventory 13\n3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 15\n3.3 OT Analysis 21\n3.3.1 Obligatory Contour Principle Effect 21\n3.3.2 No-Jumping Principle Effect 28\n3.3.3 OCP-t(l)&*HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr 32\n3.3.4 Register Tier Preservation 34\n3.3.5 Initial Target Preservation 35\n3.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation 36\n3.4 Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs 38\n3.5 Conclusion 44\nCHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS OF BANGKOK HAKKA 45\n4.1 Tone Inventory 45\n4.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 46\n4.3 OT Analysis 51\n4.3.1 Obligatory Contour Principle Effect 51\n4.3.2 No-Jumping Principle Effect 56\n4.3.3 OCP-t(l)& *HD/Lr vs. NOJUMP-t&*HD/Lr 58\n4.3.4 Register Tier Preservation 60\n4.3.5 Initial Target Preservation 61\n4.3.6 Tone Duration Preservation 62\n4.4 Constraint Ranking and Overall Summary of Tonal Pairs 64\n4.5 Conclusion 67\nCHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION 68\n5.1 Summary of the Thesis 68\n5.2 Final Remarks 71\n5.3 Further Issues 71\nREFERENCES 72zh_TW
dc.format.extent1751403 bytes-
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf-
dc.language.isoen_US-
dc.source.urihttp://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0995550163en_US
dc.subject梅縣客語zh_TW
dc.subject曼谷客語zh_TW
dc.subject變調zh_TW
dc.subject優選理論zh_TW
dc.subject聯合制約zh_TW
dc.subject聲調結構性 制約zh_TW
dc.subjectMeixian Hakkaen_US
dc.subjectBangkok Hakkaen_US
dc.subjectTone Sandhien_US
dc.subjectOptimality Theoryen_US
dc.subjectConstraint Conjunctionen_US
dc.subjectTonal markedness constrainten_US
dc.title以優選理論分析梅縣與曼谷客語變調zh_TW
dc.titleMeixian and Bangkok Hakka Tone Sandhi: An Optimality Theory Analysisen_US
dc.typethesisen
dc.relation.referenceBao, Zhi-ming. 1990. On the Nature of Tone. Ph.D. Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology\nBao, Zhi-ming. 1999. The structure of tone. New York: Oxford University Press\nBao, Zhi-ming. 2003. Tone, accent, and stress in Chinese. Journal of Linguistics 39.1:147-166\nBao, Zhi-ming. 2011. Chinese tone sandhi. In The Blackwell companion to phonology, ed. by Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Colin Ewen, Elizabeth Hume, and Keren Rice,5:2561-2585. Malden, MA & Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. \nBeckman, Jill N. 1997. Positional Faithfulness, positional neutralization and Shona vowel harmony. Phonology 14:1-46\nBeckman, Jill N. 1998. Positional Faithfulness. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. \nChao, Yuan-ren. 1930. A system of tone letters. Le Maître Phonétique 45:24-47\nChen, Matthew Y. 1987. The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi. Phonology Yearbook 4:109-149\nChen, Matthew Y. 2000. Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects. Oxford University Press.\nChen, Wei-han. 2013. An Optimality Theory Approach to the Tone Sandhi in Two Hakka Dialects. M.A. Thesis, National Chengchi University, Taiwan. \nCheung, Yuk-man. 2011. Vowels and Tones in Meixian Hakka: An Acoustic and Perceptual Study. Ph.D Dissertation, City University of Hong Kong. \nClement, George N. 1981. The hierarchical representation of tone features. Current Approaches to African Linguistics, ed. by I. R. Dihoff, 145-176. Dordrecht: Foris. \nde Lacy, Paul. 1999. Tone and prominence. Manuscript. Amherst: University of Massachusetts. (ROA-333)\nde Lacy, Paul. 2002. The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory. Phonology 19.1:1-32. \nde Lacy, Paul. 2004. Markedness conflation in Optimality Theory. Phonology 21.2:145-199. \nDuanmu, San. 1990. A formal study of syllable, tone, stress and domain in Chinese languages. Ph.D. Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. \nDuanmu, San. 1994. Against contour tone units. Linguistics Inquiry 25:555-608 \nDuanmu, San. 2007. The Phonology of Standard Chinese. 2nd Edition. Oxford University Press. \nFukazawa, Haruka. 1999. Theoretical Implications of OCP Effects on Features in Optimality Theory. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park. \nHsiao, E. Yuchau. 1991. Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular Relationship. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. \nHsiao, E. Yuchau. 1995. Southern Min Tone Sandhi and Theories of Prosodic Phonology. Taipei: Student Book Co., Ltd. \nHsiao, E. Yuchau. 2000. Optimal tone sandhi in Taiwan southern Min. Hanyu Yanjiu 18:25-40. [In Chinese]\nHsiao, E. Yuchau and Yunyi Chiu. 2006. Trisyllabic and Tetrasyllabic Tone Sandhi in Dongshi Hakka. Language and Linguistics 7.2: 455-482. [In Chinese] \nHyman, Larry. 1993. Register tones and tonal geometry. In The Phonology of Tone: The Representation of Tonal Register, ed. by K. Snider & H. van der Hulst, 75-100. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. \nItō, Junko and Armin Mester. 1998. Markedness and Word Structure: OCP Effects in Japanese. Ms., University of California, Santa Cruz. (ROA-255-0498)\nKager, Rene. 1999. Optimality Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press. \nLi, Zhiqiang. 2003. The Phonetics and Phonology of Tone Mapping in a Constraint-based Approach. Ph.D. Dissertation, Massachusets Institute of Technology \nLin, Hui-san. 2000. An Optimality Theoretic approach to tone sandhi in Mandarin, in Taiwanese, and in Mandarin-Taiwanese Code-mixing. MA Thesis, NationalChengchi University. \nLin, Hui-shan. 2004. Boshan tone sandhi. Taiwan Journal of Linguistics 2.2:75-126.Lin, Hui-shan. 2005a. Identity preservation in Hakha-Lai tone sandhi. Taiwan Journal of Linguistics 3.2:1-44\nLin, Hui-san. 2005b. Prosodic correspondence in tone sandhi. UST Working Papers in Linguistics 1:229-265. \nLin, Hui-shan. 2006. Directionality in Chengdu tone sandhi. Concentric 32.1:31-67. \nLin, Hui-shan. 2008. Variable directional applications in Tianjin tone sandhi. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 17.3:181-226. \nLin, Hui-shan. 2011. Sequential and tonal markedness in Dongshi Hakka tone sandhi. Language and Linguistics 12.2:313-357. \nLubowich, Anna. 2005. Locality of Conjunction. In Proceedings of the 24th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, ed. by John Alderete, Chung-hye Han, andAlexei Kochetov, 254-262. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. \nMcCarthy, John.J. 2008. Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory to Data. Oxford: Blackwell.\n Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. 1993/2004. Optimality Theory:Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Malden: Blackwell.\nSiripen Ungsitipoonporn. 2008. The Bangkok Hakka Phonology. Mon-Khmer Studies Journal 38:185-208\n\nSmolensky, Paul. 1995. On the structure of Con, the constraint component of UG. Handout of talk at UCLA, April 7. (ROA-86)\nSnider, Keith. 1999. The geometry and features of Tone. Dallas: SIL and University ofTexas, Arlington. \nYip, Moira. 1980. The Tonal Phonology of Chinese. Ph.D. Dissertation, MassachusettsInstitute of Technology. \nYip, Moira. 1989. Contour Tones. Phonology 6:149-174. \nYip, Moira. 2001. Tonal features, tonal inventories, and phonetic targets. UCL WorkingPapers in Linguistics, 161-188. \nYip, Moira. 2002. Tone. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.\nZhang, Jie. 1999. Duration in the tonal phonology of Pingyao Chinese. UCLA working papers in linguistics, ed. by Matthew K. Gordon, 147-206.\nZhang, Jie. 2001. The effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution-A Typological Survey and Formal Analysis.Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. \nZhang, Jie. 2004. Contour Tone Licensing and Contour Tone Representation. Language and Linguistics 5.4:925-968.\nZhang, Jie. 2007. A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 16:259-302.zh_TW
item.grantfulltextrestricted-
item.openairetypethesis-
item.languageiso639-1en_US-
item.openairecristypehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_46ec-
item.cerifentitytypePublications-
item.fulltextWith Fulltext-
Appears in Collections:學位論文
Files in This Item:
File SizeFormat
016301.pdf1.71 MBAdobe PDF2View/Open
Show simple item record

Google ScholarTM

Check


Items in DSpace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.