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題名 習近平時代的中國在東海的強硬行為分析
An Analysis of Chinese Assertive Behaviors in the East China Sea under the Xi Administration作者 吉本彩惠
Yoshimoto, Ayae貢獻者 盧業中
Lu, Yeh-Chung
吉本彩惠
Yoshimoto, Ayae關鍵詞 新古典現實主義
中日關係
核心利益
Neoclassical realism
Sino-Japan relations
Chinese core interests日期 2021 上傳時間 2-九月-2021 18:14:07 (UTC+8) 摘要 本論文使用新古典現實主義來分析中國的國內政治和其領導人的想法，是如何驅動中國對日本的強硬行為。隨著2012年日本民主黨將尖閣群島國有化，中日關係陷入了最糟糕的階段。由於前首相安倍晉三最初的政策是在經濟和軍事上遏制中國的崛起，所以即使在自民黨的安倍上任後，兩國之間的關係仍然處於高度緊張的狀態。但隨著安倍晉三在2016年前後將其對中國政策轉變為有意合作的政策，中日關係出現了改善的跡象。然而2017-2019年期間，中日關係在經濟和外交上的改善，並不一定能緩解兩國在東海領土主權問題上的緊張。 本論文假設，中國對自身實力不斷增強的看法以及權力集中在習近平手中，推動了中國咄咄逼人的外交政策立場，導致中國的外交政策出現矛盾。因此，只要中國保持其經濟影響力且習近平繼續執政之下，中國在尖閣群島的挑釁行為即不可能會有緩和之可能性。
This thesis uses neoclassical realism to analyze how China’s domestic politics and perceptions of its leaders drive Chinese assertive behaviors toward Japan.With the Democratic Party of Japan nationalizing the Senkaku Islands in 2012, China-Japan relations fell into the worst phase. Even after the inauguration of Shinzo Abe of the Liberal Democratic Party as prime minister, relations between the two countries remained highly tense because Abe’s initial China policy was to contain China’s rise economically and militarily. However, as Abe shifted his China policy to a more cooperative approach around 2016, Japan-China relations showed signs of improvement. Nevertheless, the economic and diplomatic improvements in Sino-Japanese relations during the 2017-2019 period did not necessarily ease the tension over the territorial sovereignty issue in the East China Sea.This thesis assumes how China’s perception of its growing strength and the concentration of power in Xi’s hands have encouraged China’s aggressive foreign policy stance, resulting in contradictions in China’s foreign policy. Therefore, as long as China retains its economic influence and Xi continues to be in power, it is unlikely that China’s provocative actions in the Senkaku Islands will ease up.參考文獻 BibliographyI. SOURCES IN ENGLISH1. BooksNathan, Andrew J., and Andrew Scobell. China’s search for security. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.Waltz, Kenneth N. 1979. Theory of international politics. Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co.2. Journal ArticlesFewsmith, Joseph. “The 19th Party Congress: Ringing in Xi Jinping’s new age.” China Leadership Monitor, No 55. 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國立政治大學
國際研究英語碩士學位學程(IMPIS)
107862013資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107862013 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 盧業中 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Lu, Yeh-Chung en_US dc.contributor.author (作者) 吉本彩惠 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (作者) Yoshimoto, Ayae en_US dc.creator (作者) 吉本彩惠 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Yoshimoto, Ayae en_US dc.date (日期) 2021 en_US dc.date.accessioned 2-九月-2021 18:14:07 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 2-九月-2021 18:14:07 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 2-九月-2021 18:14:07 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (其他 識別碼) G0107862013 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/137154 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國際研究英語碩士學位學程(IMPIS) zh_TW dc.description (描述) 107862013 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本論文使用新古典現實主義來分析中國的國內政治和其領導人的想法，是如何驅動中國對日本的強硬行為。隨著2012年日本民主黨將尖閣群島國有化，中日關係陷入了最糟糕的階段。由於前首相安倍晉三最初的政策是在經濟和軍事上遏制中國的崛起，所以即使在自民黨的安倍上任後，兩國之間的關係仍然處於高度緊張的狀態。但隨著安倍晉三在2016年前後將其對中國政策轉變為有意合作的政策，中日關係出現了改善的跡象。然而2017-2019年期間，中日關係在經濟和外交上的改善，並不一定能緩解兩國在東海領土主權問題上的緊張。 本論文假設，中國對自身實力不斷增強的看法以及權力集中在習近平手中，推動了中國咄咄逼人的外交政策立場，導致中國的外交政策出現矛盾。因此，只要中國保持其經濟影響力且習近平繼續執政之下，中國在尖閣群島的挑釁行為即不可能會有緩和之可能性。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) This thesis uses neoclassical realism to analyze how China’s domestic politics and perceptions of its leaders drive Chinese assertive behaviors toward Japan.With the Democratic Party of Japan nationalizing the Senkaku Islands in 2012, China-Japan relations fell into the worst phase. Even after the inauguration of Shinzo Abe of the Liberal Democratic Party as prime minister, relations between the two countries remained highly tense because Abe’s initial China policy was to contain China’s rise economically and militarily. However, as Abe shifted his China policy to a more cooperative approach around 2016, Japan-China relations showed signs of improvement. Nevertheless, the economic and diplomatic improvements in Sino-Japanese relations during the 2017-2019 period did not necessarily ease the tension over the territorial sovereignty issue in the East China Sea.This thesis assumes how China’s perception of its growing strength and the concentration of power in Xi’s hands have encouraged China’s aggressive foreign policy stance, resulting in contradictions in China’s foreign policy. Therefore, as long as China retains its economic influence and Xi continues to be in power, it is unlikely that China’s provocative actions in the Senkaku Islands will ease up. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents Chapter One: Introduction 11.1 Research Background 11.2 Research Questions 71.3 Research Methods 8Chapter Two: Contradictions in Chinese Core Interests 132.1 Definitions of Chinese Core Interests and the Contradictions 132.2 Changes in the Usage of Chinese Core Interests 182.3 The Dioyu/Senkaku Islands as a Chinese Core Interests 20Chapter Three: China’s Perceptions of Abe’s China Policy 273.1 Japan’s Rightward Shift and the Balancing Policy against China in the First Half of the Abe Administration 283.2 The Soft Policy towards China in the second half of the Abe Administration 333.3 The Influence of the U.S. Role in China-Japan Relations 373.4 Summary 39Chapter Four: China’s Perceptions of Territorial Issues 41Chapter Five: Changes in Beijing’s Perception of its National Power 455.1 Changes in Chinese Foreign Policy 465.2 Changes unseen in a Century 515.3 Changes in Dynamics between China and Japan 545.4 Summary 57Chapter Six: Xi Jinping’s Consolidation of Power 596.1 Chinese Foreign Policy Decision-Making Process 596.2 Xi’s Centralization of Power and Personalization of Foreign Policy-Making 626.2.1 Xi’s Anti-Corruption Campaign 636.2.2 Xi Jinping’s Monopoly of Leading Small Group 666.2.3 Military under Xi Jinping’s Leadership 676.3 Fruits of Xi’s Consolidation of Power at the 19Th Party Congress 686.4 Influences of Xi’s Unified Leadership on Beijing’s Foreign Policy 70Chapter Seven: Conclusion 75Bibliography 79 zh_TW dc.format.extent 986737 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107862013 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 新古典現實主義 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中日關係 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 核心利益 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) Neoclassical realism en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Sino-Japan relations en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Chinese core interests en_US dc.title (題名) 習近平時代的中國在東海的強硬行為分析 zh_TW dc.title (題名) An Analysis of Chinese Assertive Behaviors in the East China Sea under the Xi Administration en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) BibliographyI. 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PHP Policy Review Vol. 6-No. 48, February 2nd, 2012. http://research.php.co.jp/policyreview/pdf/policy_v6_n48.pdfMatsuda, Hiroyasu松田 康博. “Ko Kin Tou seiken no kaiko to Chugoku 18 zentaikai no chumoku ten- gaikou•kokubou no ryoiki ni kanshite” 胡錦濤政権の回顧と中国18全大会の注目点 ―外交・国防の領域に関して [A Retrospective of the Hu Jintao Regime and Highlights of China’s 18th Plenum - On the Domains of Diplomacy and National Defense]. The Tokyo foundation for policy research東京財団政策研究所, September 6, 2012. https://www.tkfd.or.jp/research/detail.php?id=890Mifune, Emi 三船恵美. “Shu Kinpei taiseika no Chugoku no gaikou anzen hoshou senryaku” 習近平体制下の中国の外交・安全保障戦略 [Chinese diplomacy and national security strategy under Xi Jinping administration]. Komazawa hougaku 駒澤法学 16-4(62)(2017): 1-40.One Mizhuho みずほ総合研究所. “Shu Soshoki ga egaku ｢kyoukoku｣ he no michi dai 19 kai toutaikai houkoku ni miru Chugoku「Xin zidai」no houkousei” 習総書記が描く「強国」化への道 第１９回党大会報告にみる中国「新時代」の方向性 [The road to becoming a "strong nation" drawn by General Secretary Xi: The direction of China’s "new era" in the report of the 19th Party Congress]. (2017):1-7.Takagi, Seiichiro高木誠一郎. “Chugoku gaikou ni okeru kakushin teki reiki ron no tenkai” 中国外交における「核心利益」論の展開 [The evolution of the discourse on the “core (national) interest” in Chinese Diplomacy]. Issues and studies 42(2): 67-81.Takahara, Akio 高原明生, "Chugoku no naisei gaikou no genjyou"中国の内政外交の現状 [Current status of China’s domestic affairs and diplomacy]. Syoken review 証券レビュー, 11(59): 28-61.———. “Daiikki shu kinpei seiken ka ni okeru 「ikkyo taisei」 seiritsu no keii” 第１期習近平政権下における「一強体制」成立の経緯 [Backgrounds of the establishment of one strong regime system under the first phase of Xi Jinping regime]. China Report Vol. 16: 1-3.Takahara, Akio, Nakanishi, Hiroshi & Yoshioka, Keiko 高原明生, 中西寛 & 吉岡桂子. “Beichu tairitsuka no jiyuu de hirakareta indo taiheiyou” 米中対立下の「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」[A “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” under U.S.-China confrontation]. Diplomacy Vol. 64 (2020): 16-29.Yamaguchi, Shinji 山口信治. “Chugoku no kokusai chitsujo ninshiki no kiso to henka” 中国の国際秩序認識の基礎と変化 [Basics and changes in Chinese perception of international order]. Bouei kenkyujo kiyou 防衛研究所紀要 18(2) : 45-63.———. “Shu Kinpei no kokunai seiji to taigai seisaku” 習近平の国内政治と対外政策 [Xi Jinping’s domestic politics and foreign policy]. China’s Domestic Situation and Foreign Policy中国の国内情勢と対外政策. (March 2017): 87-117.———. “Kokusaichitsujo wo meguru kyousou wo gekika saseru chugoku: kyokouka wo motarasu jikoninshiki” 国際秩序をめぐる競争を激化させる中国：強硬化をもたらすその自己認識（先鋭化する米中対立）[China intensifying the competition over international order: self-perception that leads to a further hardline stance]. Diplomacy 外交 62, 114-119, July 2020.———. “Chugoku kyosantou dai 19 kai zenkoku daihyo taikai no kiso bunseki” 中国共産党第１９回全国代表大会 [Basic analysis of the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party]. NIDS Commentary No.62:1-4.2. News ArticlesKono to leave for China on Wednesday for first visit by Japan defense chief in 10 years. (2019). Japan times.Shimada, Manabu 島田学. “Chugoku, senkaku ha kakushinteki reiki to hajimete meigen” 中国、尖閣は「核心的利益」と初めて明言[China says Senkaku Islands are ‘core interests’ for the first time]. 日本経済新聞 Nihon Keizai shinbun. April, 2013. https://news.tv-asahi.co.jp/news_international/articles/000004397.htmlTV Asahi news テレ朝. “Chugoku gaimusyo ga hajimete senkaku ha kakushinteki rieki” 中国外務省が初めて「尖閣は核心的利益」[China’s Foreign Ministry says for the first time that the Senkakus are a core interest]. Accessed March 30, 2021. https://news.tv-asahi.co.jp/news_international/articles/000004397.html.3. Internet SourcesThe Japan-China joint opinion survey 2019. 言論NPO [The Genron NPO], October 24th, 2019.https://www.genron-npo.net/en/opinion_polls/archives/5505.html. (accessed October 9th, 2020)4. Government WebsitesJETRO (The Japan External Trade Organization). Japan’s Top 10 Trading Partners. Tokyo: Japan, 2020. https://www.jetro.go.jp/world/japan/stats/trade/Japan Coast Guard. Trends in Chinese government and other vessels in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands and Japan’s Response -Records of intrusions of Chinese government and other vessels into Japan’s territorial sea. Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www.kaiho.milt.go.jp/mission/senkaku/senkaku.htmlMinistry of Economy, Trade and Industry. Trade white paper 2018. Tokyo: Japan, 2018. https://www.meti.go.jp/report/tsuhaku2018/pdf/02-03-03.pdfMinistry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Nichu shunou denwa kaidan” 日中首脳電話会談 [Japan-China summit teleconference]. Tokyo: Japan, May 30, 2018, https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/c_m1/cn/page1_000523.html.5. Online ConferencesTakahara, Akio 高原明生and Ohara, Bonji 小原凡司. “Chugoku taigai shisei no haikei to kokusai chitsujo he no eikyo -coronapandemic ha nani wo kaetano ka?-” 中国対外姿勢の背景と国際秩序への影響 [“Background of China”s aggressive external posture and its impact on the international order -What has changed after the coronavirus pandemic occurred?-]. 1st Open forum, SPF China observer from Sasakawa Peace Foundation, Tokyo, August 4, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q6lmc-AnWdg.Takahara, Akio高原明生, Kamo, Tomoki 加茂具樹, and Ohara, Bonji大原凡司. ““Background of China”s aggressive external posture and its impact on the international order -What has changed after the coronavirus pandemic occurred?-.” 2nd Open forum, SPF China observer from Sasakawa Peace Foundation, Tokyo, September 7, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XY8PZO3t_XI&t=2787s. zh_TW dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6814/NCCU202101191 en_US
