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題名 超越集體行動的邏輯：國內政治和與俄羅斯的地理鄰近性對北約責任分擔的影響
Beyond the Logic of Collective Action: The Effects of Domestic Politics and Geographic Proximity to Russia on NATO`s Burden Sharing作者 李育儒
Lee, Yu-Ju貢獻者 陳秉逵
Chen, Ping-Kuei
李育儒
Lee, Yu-Ju關鍵詞 北約
集體行動邏輯
搭便車
層次分析
力量損失梯度
NATO
The logic of collective action
Free riding
Levels of analysis
The loss of strength gradient日期 2022 上傳時間 1-七月-2022 16:30:22 (UTC+8) 摘要 北約責任分擔的問題在其成立後的70年後仍未解。依據Olson的集體行動邏輯（Logic of Collective Action, LSG），北約內各個成員國在政治和經濟上的差異，會促使小國「搭便車」。但近年來，似乎沒有「小國剝削大國」（exploitation of the great）的跡象。在2020年，有十個北約成員國的國防開支超過其GDP的2%，其中就有六個成員國是小國，而其中又有5個成員國在地理上與俄國有地理鄰近性。這些有達到北約國防開支目標的國家普遍將俄國視為威脅、普遍的支持北約、執政黨也一致的支持提高國防開支。本論文以LSG作為主軸，結合Waltzian的Levels of Analysis和Boulding的Loss of Strength Gradient來進行更全面的研究。本文的結論是：北約成員國如果將俄國視為威脅，也支持北約，且又與俄國有地理鄰近性，則該成員國越有可能會達到北約2%的標準。本文將以波蘭和德國作為研究案例來佐證其論述，也會個別討論英國和美國間的「特殊關係」來說明其對英國在國防開支上的影響。
NATO’s burden sharing problem is almost as long as its existence, it remains unresolved and still haunts the alliance to this day. Olson’s logic of collective action is the dominant theory on alliance burden sharing, which predicts that disparities in NATO members’ economies will incentivize smaller members to free ride. However, there has not been obvious signs of “exploitation of the great” in recent years. In 2020, of the 9 non-US NATO members that had exceeded the 2 percent pledge made in 2014 Wales Summit, of which, 6 were small economies. On closer inspection, 5 of the 6 small economies meeting the 2 percent target were all in close geographic proximity to Russia. In addition, member states that display higher threat perception of Russia, stronger support of NATO, and having cohesive ruling coalitions in favor of increasing defense spending, tend to have higher military expenditure. This thesis uses Olson’s Logic of Collective Action as its backbone, incorporates Waltzian’s Levels of Analysis and Boulding’s Loss of Strength Gradient (LSG) for a more comprehensive study. It concludes that NATO members with higher threat perception of Russian, strong domestic support of NATO, and are in close geographic proximity to Russia, are more likely to have higher defense expenditure, bringing it closer to the 2 percent pledge. This thesis will use Germany and Poland as case studies to help demonstrate its findings. It will also look at the exception, the United Kingdom, and its “special relationship” with the US.參考文獻 Ahmed, J. (2019). The theoretical significance of foreign policy in international relations - an analyses. Journal of Critical Reviews, 1-4.Armstrong, S. (2019, June 4). Al Jazeera. 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國立政治大學
外交學系
107253022資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107253022 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 陳秉逵 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Chen, Ping-Kuei en_US dc.contributor.author (作者) 李育儒 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (作者) Lee, Yu-Ju en_US dc.creator (作者) 李育儒 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Lee, Yu-Ju en_US dc.date (日期) 2022 en_US dc.date.accessioned 1-七月-2022 16:30:22 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 1-七月-2022 16:30:22 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-七月-2022 16:30:22 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (其他 識別碼) G0107253022 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/140707 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 外交學系 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 107253022 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 北約責任分擔的問題在其成立後的70年後仍未解。依據Olson的集體行動邏輯（Logic of Collective Action, LSG），北約內各個成員國在政治和經濟上的差異，會促使小國「搭便車」。但近年來，似乎沒有「小國剝削大國」（exploitation of the great）的跡象。在2020年，有十個北約成員國的國防開支超過其GDP的2%，其中就有六個成員國是小國，而其中又有5個成員國在地理上與俄國有地理鄰近性。這些有達到北約國防開支目標的國家普遍將俄國視為威脅、普遍的支持北約、執政黨也一致的支持提高國防開支。本論文以LSG作為主軸，結合Waltzian的Levels of Analysis和Boulding的Loss of Strength Gradient來進行更全面的研究。本文的結論是：北約成員國如果將俄國視為威脅，也支持北約，且又與俄國有地理鄰近性，則該成員國越有可能會達到北約2%的標準。本文將以波蘭和德國作為研究案例來佐證其論述，也會個別討論英國和美國間的「特殊關係」來說明其對英國在國防開支上的影響。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) NATO’s burden sharing problem is almost as long as its existence, it remains unresolved and still haunts the alliance to this day. Olson’s logic of collective action is the dominant theory on alliance burden sharing, which predicts that disparities in NATO members’ economies will incentivize smaller members to free ride. However, there has not been obvious signs of “exploitation of the great” in recent years. In 2020, of the 9 non-US NATO members that had exceeded the 2 percent pledge made in 2014 Wales Summit, of which, 6 were small economies. On closer inspection, 5 of the 6 small economies meeting the 2 percent target were all in close geographic proximity to Russia. In addition, member states that display higher threat perception of Russia, stronger support of NATO, and having cohesive ruling coalitions in favor of increasing defense spending, tend to have higher military expenditure. This thesis uses Olson’s Logic of Collective Action as its backbone, incorporates Waltzian’s Levels of Analysis and Boulding’s Loss of Strength Gradient (LSG) for a more comprehensive study. It concludes that NATO members with higher threat perception of Russian, strong domestic support of NATO, and are in close geographic proximity to Russia, are more likely to have higher defense expenditure, bringing it closer to the 2 percent pledge. This thesis will use Germany and Poland as case studies to help demonstrate its findings. It will also look at the exception, the United Kingdom, and its “special relationship” with the US. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents Table of ContentsCHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 31.1 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 31.2 PURPOSE OF STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTION 71.3 LITERATURE REVIEW 101.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 171.5 RESEARCH METHOD 271.5.1 Case Analysis 331.5.2 Data Collection 341.5.3 Scope and Limitations 34CHAPTER 2: POLAND 372.1 DOMESTIC FACTORS 372.1.1 Electoral System 372.1.2 Polish Public Opinion 382.1.3 President 422.1.4 Prime Minister 502.1.5 Sejm and Political Parties 512.2 GEOGRAPHIC PROXIMITY 542.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY 58CHAPTER III: GERMANY 613.1 DOMESTIC FACTORS 613.1.1 Electoral system 613.1.2 German Public Opinion 623.1.3 Chancellor 683.1.4 Bundestag and political parties 733.2 GEOGRAPHIC PROXIMITY 783.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY 82CHAPTER IV: THE UNITED KINGDOM 834.1 DOMESTIC FACTORS 834.1.1 Electoral System 834.1.2 British Public Opinion 844.1.3 Prime Minister 904.1.4 The House of Commons and Political Parties 1014.2 GEOGRAPHIC PROXIMITY 1044.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY 106CHAPTER V:CONCLUSION 107REFERENCES 118 zh_TW dc.format.extent 3928303 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107253022 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 北約 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 集體行動邏輯 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 搭便車 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 層次分析 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 力量損失梯度 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) NATO en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) The logic of collective action en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Free riding en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Levels of analysis en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) The loss of strength gradient en_US dc.title (題名) 超越集體行動的邏輯：國內政治和與俄羅斯的地理鄰近性對北約責任分擔的影響 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Beyond the Logic of Collective Action: The Effects of Domestic Politics and Geographic Proximity to Russia on NATO`s Burden Sharing en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Ahmed, J. 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