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題名 中國「一帶一路」在歐洲巴爾幹半島國家的政治影響力分析
The Political Influence of China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Balkans作者 鄭庭薇
CHENG, TING-WEI貢獻者 薛健吾
Hsueh, Chien-Wu
鄭庭薇
CHENG, TING-WEI關鍵詞 巴爾幹半島
一帶一路
中國影響力
擴大政策
抗衡與扈從
The Balkans
Belt and Road Initiative
China Influence
Enlargement
Balance or Bandwagon日期 2024 上傳時間 4-Sep-2024 15:54:06 (UTC+8) 摘要 本文以巴爾幹半島歐盟候選國家:塞爾維亞、蒙特內哥羅、波赫、阿爾巴尼 亞和北馬其頓等 5 國作為研究對象,探討中國經濟資源投入是否影響歐盟候選國 與歐盟之間關係。藉由個案討論,本文發現申請入盟的巴爾幹國家在不同程度的 中國投資下,當該國跟歐盟關係比較融洽時,該國在中國「一帶一路」倡議下的 投資紅利轉換為中國政治影響力的情況比較不明顯;相反的,當該國與歐盟關係 存在衝突時,中國對該國的投資影響以及所轉換的政治影響力就比較明確。當該 國無法從原本的強權(歐盟)獲得足夠資源的話,則有可能靠近另一個大國(中 國)以爭取更多的資源,並且本文發現與歐盟關係較融洽的國家經濟交往仍以歐 盟為主,中國影響力有限;然而,與歐盟關係不這麼融洽的國家,可能會引入中 國的經濟資源以平衡歐盟對該國的壓力,連帶地中國影響力也會增加。
This paper focuses on the EU candidate countries in the Balkans: Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, and North Macedonia. These countries exhibit varying degrees of economic engagement with China. Through case studies, this paper analyzes the relationships between these Balkan countries, the EU, and China, in the context of China’s differing levels of investment. The paper posits that when a country maintains a harmonious relationship with the EU, the political influence of China’s Belt and Road Initiative investments is less evident. Conversely, when there is conflict in the relationship with the EU, China’s investment and resulting political influence become more pronounced. If a country cannot secure sufficient resources from the EU, it may turn to China for additional resources. The study finds that countries with better relationships with the EU predominantly engage economically with the EU, limiting China’s influence. 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國立政治大學
外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班
108922017資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108922017 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 薛健吾 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Hsueh, Chien-Wu en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 鄭庭薇 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) CHENG, TING-WEI en_US dc.creator (作者) 鄭庭薇 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) CHENG, TING-WEI en_US dc.date (日期) 2024 en_US dc.date.accessioned 4-Sep-2024 15:54:06 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 4-Sep-2024 15:54:06 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 4-Sep-2024 15:54:06 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0108922017 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/153518 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 108922017 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本文以巴爾幹半島歐盟候選國家:塞爾維亞、蒙特內哥羅、波赫、阿爾巴尼 亞和北馬其頓等 5 國作為研究對象,探討中國經濟資源投入是否影響歐盟候選國 與歐盟之間關係。藉由個案討論,本文發現申請入盟的巴爾幹國家在不同程度的 中國投資下,當該國跟歐盟關係比較融洽時,該國在中國「一帶一路」倡議下的 投資紅利轉換為中國政治影響力的情況比較不明顯;相反的,當該國與歐盟關係 存在衝突時,中國對該國的投資影響以及所轉換的政治影響力就比較明確。當該 國無法從原本的強權(歐盟)獲得足夠資源的話,則有可能靠近另一個大國(中 國)以爭取更多的資源,並且本文發現與歐盟關係較融洽的國家經濟交往仍以歐 盟為主,中國影響力有限;然而,與歐盟關係不這麼融洽的國家,可能會引入中 國的經濟資源以平衡歐盟對該國的壓力,連帶地中國影響力也會增加。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) This paper focuses on the EU candidate countries in the Balkans: Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, and North Macedonia. These countries exhibit varying degrees of economic engagement with China. Through case studies, this paper analyzes the relationships between these Balkan countries, the EU, and China, in the context of China’s differing levels of investment. The paper posits that when a country maintains a harmonious relationship with the EU, the political influence of China’s Belt and Road Initiative investments is less evident. Conversely, when there is conflict in the relationship with the EU, China’s investment and resulting political influence become more pronounced. If a country cannot secure sufficient resources from the EU, it may turn to China for additional resources. The study finds that countries with better relationships with the EU predominantly engage economically with the EU, limiting China’s influence. However, countries with less favorable relationships with the EU tend to attract Chinese economic resources to counterbalance EU pressures, thereby increasing China’s influence. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機與目的 1 第二節 研究問題 4 第三節 本文的論點 15 第四節 案例選擇與研究方法 17 第五節 本文章節安排 23 第二章 文獻探討 25 第一節 解釋國家外交選擇的理論 25 第二節 中國影響力相關文獻探討 28 第三節 各國與歐盟的關係 33 第三章 與中國經濟往來積極的國家 41 第一節 塞爾維亞 41 第二節 蒙特內哥羅 54 第三節 波赫 62 第四節 本章研究發現 68 第四章 與中國經濟往來較不積極的國家 71 第一節 北馬其頓 71 第二節 阿爾巴尼亞 76 第三節 本章研究發現 83 第五章 結論 84 參考文獻 86 zh_TW dc.format.extent 6490756 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108922017 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 巴爾幹半島 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 一帶一路 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中國影響力 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 擴大政策 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 抗衡與扈從 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) The Balkans en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Belt and Road Initiative en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) China Influence en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Enlargement en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Balance or Bandwagon en_US dc.title (題名) 中國「一帶一路」在歐洲巴爾幹半島國家的政治影響力分析 zh_TW dc.title (題名) The Political Influence of China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Balkans en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 中文部分 一、 官方文件 中國外交部,2022,〈中國—中東歐國家合作〉,《中國外交部》,https:// www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gjhdqzz_681964/zgzdogjhz/1206x0_ 679932/,查閱時間:2022年11月30日。 二、 專書 林詩凱、廖坤榮,2018,《抗衡或扈從—東南亞國家對中國戰略的回應》。台北:翰蘆圖書。 吳玉山,1997,《抗衡或扈從-兩岸關係新詮:從蘇聯看台灣與大陸間的關係》,台北:正中書局。 徐剛,2016《巴爾幹地區合作與歐洲一體化》。北京:社會科學文獻出版社。 三、 專書論文 廖舜右,2016,〈現實主義典範的緣起與內涵〉。張登及、張亞中主編,《國 濟 濟關係總論》。新北:揚智文化事業股份有限公司。頁42-45。 四、 期刊 吳玉山,1997,〈抗衡或扈從:面對強鄰時的策略抉擇(上)〉,《問題與研究》,36(2):1-32。 吳玉山,1997,〈抗衡或扈從:面對強鄰時的策略抉擇(下)〉,《問題與研究》, 36(3):61-80。 況正吉,2003,〈歐盟東擴進程及其面臨之挑戰〉,《問題與研究》,42(5):25-54。 邵允鍾,2018,〈從歐盟會員國憲政危機檢討哥本哈根政治標準執行上之缺失〉,《歐美研究》,48(1):139-193。 陳欣之,2011,〈崛起, 挑戰與承繼霸權-崛起強權參與建構國際制度過程的觀察〉,《問題與研究》,50(4):63-88。 陳麒安,2008,〈聯盟理論之研究:現實主義的觀點〉,《國際關係學報》,26: 133-167。 楊三億,2002,〈後冷戰時期中、東歐地區權力結構分析〉,《問題與研究》, 41(2):89-103。 楊三億,2017,〈歐洲中小型國家安全政策:策略選擇與轉型〉,《問題與研究》, 56(2):31-66。 楊三億,2021,〈強權競爭下的中型國家安全策略:以波蘭與土耳其為例〉,《歐美研究》,51(2):311-355。 葉錦娟,2008,〈從蒙特內哥羅獨立檢視歐盟的軟權力工具〉,《國際關係學報》26:101-132。 劉復國,2012,〈歐債危機對美中歐盟關係變化之涵義〉,《全球政治論》,37:19-24。 賴昀辰,2014,〈歐洲聯盟貿易政策的權力分析〉,《問題與研究》,53(1):99-123。 薛健吾,2020,〈中國「一帶一路」在第一個五年的進展與影響(2013-2018)〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,21(2):1-53。 薛健吾,2020,〈歷史的終結? 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