| dc.contributor.advisor | 蔡介立<br>何萬順 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.advisor | Tsai, Jie Li<br>Her, One Soon | en_US |
| dc.contributor.author (作者) | 呂翠屏 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author (作者) | Lu, Tsui Ping | en_US |
| dc.creator (作者) | 呂翠屏 | zh_TW |
| dc.creator (作者) | Lu, Tsui Ping | en_US |
| dc.date (日期) | 2009 | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 9-十二月-2010 12:36:13 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.available | 9-十二月-2010 12:36:13 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 9-十二月-2010 12:36:13 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.identifier (其他 識別碼) | G0955550051 | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/49907 | - |
| dc.description (描述) | 碩士 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 國立政治大學 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 語言學研究所 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 95555005 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 98 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 本文以兩個眼動閱讀實驗探討語意訊息 (semantic cues) 和句法訊息 (syntactic cues) 如何在中文關係子句的處理中運作及交互作用。實驗一旨在研究兩種動詞與論元之間的合理性關係 (plausibility) 是否會影響讀者理解不同結構的關係子句。結果顯示，當兩個論元都是合理施事者 (agent) 時，論旨角色的指派 (thematic roles) 有歧義，較難理解；而當只有一個論元是合理的施事者時，讀者趨向指派正確的論旨角色，且較快整合句法上的困難。此外，因中文句法結構特殊，讀者在關係詞之前就處理主語關係子句 (subject relative clauses) 的歧義，在主要動詞上則會遇到賓語關係子句 (object relative clauses) 的理解困難。此發現解決了Hsiao & Gibson (2003) 和 Lin (2006) 的歧見，證明中文讀者在不同位置會遇到不一樣的困難。實驗二所關注的語意訊息為論元的生命性 (animacy)，關係子句中的兩個論元分屬有生命的 (animate) 及無生命的 (inanimate) 名詞。結果發現論旨角色的指派和生命性相互關聯，有生命性的論元較傾向當施事者，而無生命的論元傾向當受事者。讀者仍在關係詞之前遇到主語關係子句的理解困難，但在主要動詞，讀者主要依循生命性的引導來指派論旨角色，句法訊息的影響並不顯著。因此語意訊息在中文的語句處理扮演重要的角色，結果大致上與Traxler (2002)的研究相符。讀者同時受到當下的句法訊息以及語意訊息影響，在不同的位置會遇到不一樣的歧義性，而產生花園路徑效果 (garden-path effect)。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | Two eye movement experiments were conducted to investigate how semantic cues and syntactic structural cues function and interact in Mandarin Chinese relative clause (RC) processing. Mandarin Chinese is unique in combining head-final RCs with a VO basic order (Dryer, 1992, 2003) and also in relying solely on word order as structural cues, without case marking or agreement. However, Mandarin Chinese still preserves flexibility in word order that is motivated by pragmatics. Semantic cues, including the plausibility of the argument-verb relation and argument animacy within RCs, may be crucial to sentence processing in Mandarin Chinese. Experiment 1 aims to examine whether the meaning of the verb allowing only one of the two animate arguments to be a plausible agent may lead to reduction of ORC difficulty (cf. Traxler, 2002). The results showed that the plausibility effects were robust at the head noun and the main verb. A bias of thematic role assignment in the irreversible relation leads readers to correct interpretations, while the reversible relation does not elicit such a bias. The results also solved the discrepancy between the two previous studies (Hsiao and Gibson, 2003 & Lin, 2006) by unveiling a dynamic process in which readers encounter diverse ambiguities at different positions for different structures. Chinese readers disambiguate SRCs earlier due to their non-canonical word order and have trouble integrating the main verb in ORCs owing to perspective shifting. The interaction between plausibility and RC type on re-reading rate suggested that plausibility cues were used to solve syntactic ambiguity.Experiment 2 manipulated contrastive argument animacy in order to investigate whether thematic role assignment correlates with animacy. The results confirmed the hypothesis that while animate entities bias towards agent roles, inanimate ones incline towards patient roles (c.f., Valin & LaPolla, 1997). Besides, inanimate entities are conceptually less accessible than animate ones. Contrastive animacy shows its impact on syntactic processing with robust interactions at different positions. The findings of interactions between semantic cues and RC types in two experiments suggest that semantic cues play an important role in Chinese relative clause processing. Semantic plausibility and argument animacy can influence the process of thematic role assignment. The semantic cues that accord with the biases of thematic role assignment then would ease the syntactic ambiguities. Not only syntactic cues but also semantic cues are utilized by readers in sentence comprehension. In this thesis, the eye movement data provide clear evidence indicating that readers solve various temporary ambiguities syntactically and semantically at different positions of the sentence with relative clauses. | en_US |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | Acknowledgment viList of Tables ixList of Figures xiiiChinese Abstract xvEnglish Abstract xviChapter 1 Introduction 11.1 Relative clause processing 11.2 The issues in Chinese relative clauses processing 5Chapter 2 Literature Review 102.1 Processing of Relative Clauses 102.1.1 Subject-object asymmetry 102.1.2 Sentence Processing Models 132.1.2.1 Syntax-based theories 132.1.2.2 Perspective-shifting theory 162.1.2.3 Memory-based resources theories 172.1.2.4 Interactionist approaches 202.1.3 Semantic cues in Sentence Processing 212.2 Grammar of Chinese relative clauses 262.2.1 Syntactic properties 262.2.2 Typological uniqueness 302.2.3 Interim summary 322.3 Processing of Chinese relative clauses 342.3.1 Predictions of processing models 342.3.2 Debate on asymmetry issue in Chinese 432.3.3 Semantic cues in Chinese sentence processing 452.3.4 Advantages of eye movement recording technique 48Chapter 3 Experiment One: subject-object asymmetry and semantic plausibility 493.1 Method 543.1.1 Participants 543.1.2 Design 543.1.3 Material 583.1.4 Plausibility rating 643.1.5 Apparatus 673.1.6 Reading span test procedure 683.1.7 Eye movement recording procedure in reading experiments 693.2 Data analysis 713.3 Results 763.3.1 Reading span score and comprehension accuracy 763.3.2 Eye movement indices 773.3.2.1 First-pass reading time and probability 773.3.2.2 Go-past reading time and probability 813.3.2.3 Total viewing time and re-reading rate 863.3.2.4 Supplementary analyses of V1 and N1 903.4 Discussion 933.4.1 Different syntactic ambiguities at different positions 943.4.2 Semantic plausibility and the bias of thematic role assignment 993.4.3 Interim summary 106Chapter 4 Experiment Two: animacy configuration in RC processing 1084.1 Method 1124.1.1 Participants 1124.1.2 Design 1124.1.3 Materials 1154.1.4 Plausibility rating 1174.1.5 Apparatus & procedure 1194.2 Data analysis 1194.3 Results 1194.3.1 Reading span score and comprehension accuracy 1194.3.2 Eye movement indices 1214.3.2.1 First-pass reading time and probability 1214.3.2.2 Go-past reading time and probability 1254.3.2.3 Total viewing time and re-reading rate 1304.3.2.4 Supplementary analyses of V1 and N1 1344.4 Discussion 1364.4.1 The hypotheses and the results 1364.4.2 Main effects of RC type and main effects of animacy 1414.4.3 Bias of role assignment with contrastive animacy 1434.4.4 Interim summary 147Chapter 5 General Discussion 1495.1 Interplay of syntactic and semantic cues 1495.2 Bias of thematic role assignment 1545.3 Dynamic process of sentence processing 1585.4 Normal reading process in eye-tracking experiments 1655.5 Pedagogical implications 168Reference 171Appendixes 177A. Experiment materials of Experiment 1 177B. Experiment materials of Experiment 2 182 | zh_TW |
| dc.format.extent | 2970365 bytes | - |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | - |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | - |
| dc.source.uri (資料來源) | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0955550051 | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 句法處理 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 語意訊息 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 關係子句 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 眼動實驗 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 花園路徑效果 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 歧義 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | sentence processing | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | semantic cue | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | relative clause | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | eye movement experiment | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | garden-path effect | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | ambiguity | en_US |
| dc.title (題名) | 語意在句法處理中的角色：中文關係子句的眼動閱讀研究 | zh_TW |
| dc.title (題名) | The role of semantics in syntactic processing: eye-tracking experiments of reading chinese relative clauses | en_US |
| dc.type (資料類型) | thesis | en |
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