| dc.coverage.temporal | 計畫年度：91 起迄日期：20020801～20030731 | en_US |
| dc.creator (作者) | 劉德海 | zh_TW |
| dc.date (日期) | 2002 | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 18-四月-2007 16:42:21 (UTC+8) | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 8-九月-2008 09:37:56 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.available | 18-四月-2007 16:42:21 (UTC+8) | en_US |
| dc.date.available | 8-九月-2008 09:37:56 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 18-四月-2007 16:42:21 (UTC+8) | en_US |
| dc.identifier (其他 識別碼) | 912414H004038.pdf | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://tair.lib.ntu.edu.tw:8000/123456789/4180 | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri (URI) | https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/4180 | - |
| dc.description (描述) | 核定金額：419100元 | en_US |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 本計畫視東帝汶事件為自變數而把澳洲對東亞的戰略與外交看成是助變數，試圖從此事件來檢視冷戰後澳洲東亞戰略與外交的變遷。首先剖析東帝汶問題與澳洲國內政治以及澳洲與印尼關係的關連性，繼而探討當東帝汶危機爆發時澳洲為何以及如何調整其對印尼、東帝汶政策的背景與經過，終而評估澳洲新戰略佈局與外交策略的意義及其對未來澳洲與東亞關係、對台灣以及整個東亞地區和平與安全的衝擊。當一九七五年印尼併吞東帝汶以來，澳洲國內即存在支持人權的理想主義者與傾向以印尼關係為重、承認既成事實的現實主義者兩種截然不同的看法。當時澳洲惠特蘭（Gough Whitlam）政府基於長遠國家利益考量採取默認印尼併吞的現實。另一方面，在澳洲的東帝汶流亡人士結合澳洲的人權積極份子繼續為東帝汶獨立而奮鬥。澳洲學者塞爾指出，一九九九年一月澳洲對東帝汶的政策做了歷史性的轉變。霍華德總理寫信給印尼總統哈比比(B.J. Habbie)建議從長遠的角度來看為使東帝汶問題達成和解最好的辦法是未來在東帝汶自治一段時間之後舉行自決。在這段過渡時期澳洲政府將不會改變其承認印尼對東帝汶擁有主權的立場。澳洲政府之所以做此重大政策調整主要是認知到印尼正從威權統治過度到民主政治。三十多年來蘇哈托(Suharto)政權的威權統治的垮台是澳洲一勞永逸地解決東帝汶這個持續困擾澳洲與印尼雙邊關係此一頭痛問題的難得機會。澳洲在美國支持下積極介入東帝汶維和活動並擔任維和活動的領導地位充分顯示出澳洲在維持東亞安全的作法上已由過去的消極地維持與印尼的友好關係為基石轉變為加強澳美合作，積極試圖掌控對其安全極具意義的東南亞安全環境。同時亦顯示出澳洲式中型國家外交的特色之一：跟隨主義—即藉追隨強權以鞏固國家安全，並提升本國的威望與國際地位。 | - |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | In view of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the declining of American presence in East Asia and the increasing uncertainty in East Asian international environment in the post-Cold War era, Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government took a policy of actively engaging with East Asia in the early 1990s. Australia-Indonesian relationship was regarded as one of the four most important bilateral relations. On the other hand, strategically Australia has made an effort to create multilateral and bilateral mechanisms favorable to peace and stability in East Asia as well as Australia`s security. Among the bilateral mechanisms, Former ALP Prime Minister Paul Keating was particularly proud of the signing of the Agreement on Maintaining Security (AMS) with Indonesia in December 1995. He regarded the Agreement as Australia`s most significant bilateral security mechanism designed to maintain peace and stability in East Asia. However, subsequent internal and external developments almost wiped out Keating`s strategic arrangements. At first, his Labor Party lost federal election in 1996. It was followed by Asia Financial Crisis in 1997, the downfall of Suharto (Soeharto) regime in May 1998 and the emergence of East Timor Independence Crisis in 1999. As a result, Australia-Indonesian relations were soured and Indonesia unilaterally ceased the AMS. The successive Liberal-National Coalition Government under John Howard leadership has pursued a policy of active intervention in East Timor. This posture exemplified by Howard`s claiming to act as America`s deputy in East Asia and Australia`s leading the UN PKO to East Timor has further antagonized Indonesia against Australia. This research proposal first analyzes how East Timor issue involves in Australia`s domestic politics and Australia-Indonesian relations, then explore why and how Australia adjusted its policies toward Indonesia and East Timor when East Timor Crisis loomed large, finally assess Australia`s new strategic arrangements and diplomatic initiatives and their impacts on Australia`s relations with East Asia, Taiwan as well as peace and stability in East Asia as a whole. The author finds that Australia`s active intervention in East Timor crisis marked a departure from traditional way of depending its security on Australia-Indonesia relations to strengthening U.S.-Australian security cooperation in an attempt to play a larger role in maintaining peace and stability in East Asia. In addition, Australia`s successful winning Guangdong`s LNG project worth US$16.6 billion and China`s promise to jointly explore the possibility of signing FTA. For Taiwan, U.S.-Australian security cooperation is in our country`s interest for its function of discouraging China`s possible military adventures against us, while enhancing Sino-Australian economic relations may have negative implications for our relations with Australia. | - |
| dc.format | applicaiton/pdf | en_US |
| dc.format.extent | bytes | en_US |
| dc.format.extent | 40542 bytes | en_US |
| dc.format.extent | 40542 bytes | - |
| dc.format.extent | 16664 bytes | - |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | en_US |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | en_US |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | - |
| dc.format.mimetype | text/plain | - |
| dc.language | zh-TW | en_US |
| dc.language.iso | zh-TW | en_US |
| dc.publisher (出版社) | 臺北市：國立政治大學外交學系 | en_US |
| dc.rights (權利) | 行政院國家科學委員會 | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 澳洲;東帝汶;印尼;澳洲與東亞關係;澳洲安全 | - |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Australia;East Timor;Indonesia;Australia-East Asia relations;Australian security | - |
| dc.title (題名) | 東帝汶危機與澳洲東亞戰略與外交 | zh_TW |
| dc.title.alternative (其他題名) | East Timor Crisis and Australia`s East Asian Strategy and Diplomacy | - |
| dc.type (資料類型) | report | en |
