APPLICATIVE AND THE DOUBLE OBJECT CONSTRUCTION IN MANDARIN CHINESE

Abstract

本文檢視了Paul and Whitman(2010)用於漢語動詞-給雙賓結構之提升施用假說。此假說提出了由單一施用投射來處理底部生成和提升之兩種類型的施用名詞組。儘管此假說有其岀眾之處，本研究指出其主要論證提升施用投射存在的論點並不完全恰當；然而，在提升施用假說裡所涉及的間接受詞提升機制卻值得採用。因此，承續Citko(2011)，本研究為漢語動詞-給雙賓結構提出一個修正版的低施用投射：也就是除了原有的低施用投射外，再加上一個輕施用投射的分析。此修正版本不但可以解釋本文所探討的漢語動詞-給雙賓結構之相關特色，也回應了Soh(2005)對漢語雙賓結構中一個低施用投射和一個功能投射共現的建議。

In this paper I examine Paul and Whitman`s (2010) Raising Applicative Hypothesis for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. This hypothesis posits a single applicative projection which hosts both base-generated and raised applied NPs. Although this proposal is quite intriguing, I show that the major argument for the raising applicative proposal is not tenable. However, the IO-raising mechanism involved in the raising applicative proposal is still worth pursuing. Following Citko (2011), I then propose a revised low applicative analysis which imposes a light applicative projection in the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction. The revised structure not only captures all the relevant features examined in this paper for the Mandarin V-GEI double object construction, but also echoes the proposal by Soh (2005) who suggests the co-occurrence of a low applicative and a functional projection for the Mandarin double object construction.