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Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/33635
DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.advisor林永芳zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisorLin, Yung-Fangen_US
dc.contributor.author高莉雅zh_TW
dc.contributor.authorKao, Li-Yaen_US
dc.creator高莉雅zh_TW
dc.creatorKao, Li-Yaen_US
dc.date2004en_US
dc.date.accessioned2009-09-17T09:44:59Z-
dc.date.available2009-09-17T09:44:59Z-
dc.date.issued2009-09-17T09:44:59Z-
dc.identifierG0912630072en_US
dc.identifier.urihttps://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/33635-
dc.description碩士zh_TW
dc.description國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description俄羅斯研究所zh_TW
dc.description91263007zh_TW
dc.description93zh_TW
dc.description.abstract國家社會主義制度下的蘇聯，政治和經濟集權化，國家對社會進行全面而深入的干預與管控。一直到了蘇聯末期，戈巴契夫推動「重建」與「公開性」等重要的改革政策之後，公民社會才開始萌芽。一九九一年蘇聯正式解體後，共產黨的威權統治被民主制度取代，因此，俄國的公民社會、民主制度和市場經濟的建立，幾乎是同步進行的。由於葉爾欽為了能順利進行改革而不受到社會的牽絆，因而對公民社會刻意疏離。公民社會就在政治混亂與經濟衰退的條件下，自謀生路。\n\n 在進入了普丁時代後，為結束俄國轉型過程中的混亂，普丁透過「垂直的總統權力」與「法律獨裁」手段來打造強大的國家。俄羅斯原本的混合政權在普丁「管理式民主」的治理下，以轉型為某種準威權主義政權。\n\n 在普丁「管理式民主」框架下的國家與公民社會關係是：國家承認公民社會的存在，並為公民社會提供制度性的法律保障，同時，國家也要對公民社會進行必要的干預和調節，為公民社會確立人人適用的普遍法律規則、對公民社會自身無力解決的矛盾或衝突進行干預協調；然而在這裡，存在一個國家對公民社會干預的界限確定問題。而二ＯＯ一年十一月由克里姆林宮所舉辦的「公民論壇」則是最受爭議也最具有代表性的例子。普丁透過公開的對話正式地承認了公民社會團體在政治和社會上的重要性，但事實上，「公民論壇」只是政府收編俄羅斯支離破碎之公民社會的實質工具。zh_TW
dc.description.abstractPolitical power and economy were highly centralized under state socialism. Society was intervened thoroughly and overwhelmed by the Soviet state. Civil society was unable to emerge until the final years of the Soviet Union due to Gorbachev’s reform programs of perestroika and glasnost. Since the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, Russia’s civil society, democratic institutions, and market economy have to develop simultaneously. Because of Yeltsin’s alienated attitude toward civil society for the sake of smooth reforms without considering social demands, civil society had to develop on its own under the conditions of political chaos and economic depression.\n\nIn order to end the transition turmoil left by Yeltsin, Putin has been trying to craft a strong state through the “presidential vertical” and the “dictatorship of law.” Russia’s hybrid regime under Putin has been transformed to a sort of quasi-authoritarianism which is caused by the so called “managed democracy.”\n\nThe relationship between the state and civil society under the framework of “managed democracy” is the following: State recognizes the existence of civil society and provides legal regulations for the latter’s development. The Civic Forum which was held in November 2001 by the Kremlin authorities represented the most controversial case of state’s role in the development of civil society. Putin officially recognized the importance of civil society through open dialogue, but in fact the Civic Forum was just a tool for the government to co-opt Russia’s fragmented civil society.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents第一章、 緒論...............................................1\n第一節 研究動機與目的.......................................4\n第二節 研究方法、研究範圍與限制.............................8\n第三節 文獻述評............................................11\n第四節 研究架構與章節安排..................................18\n\n第二章、 俄國公民社會發展回顧..............................21\n第一節 公民社會之概念界定..................................24\n第二節 俄國政權本質........................................31\n第三節 俄羅斯公民社會的興起與發展進程......................44\n第四節 俄國公民社會發展的侷限..............................55\n第五節 小結................................................65\n\n第三章、 普丁時期國家的強化與公民社會的弱化................67\n第一節 普丁的強國策略......................................70\n第二節 普丁的「管理式民主」................................81\n第三節 「管理式民主」下公民社會的革新......................99\n第四節 普丁時期的公民社會現況.............................107\n第五節 小結...............................................116\n\n第四章、 個案分析—克里姆林宮的公民論壇...................119\n第一節 舉辦公民論壇之動機與緣起...........................122\n第二節 公民論壇之過程.....................................128\n第三節 普丁與公民論壇—合作還是收編？.....................134\n第四節 公民論壇的意義與影響...............................140\n第五節 小結...............................................146\n\n第五章、 結論.............................................149\n\n\n附錄\n□□□□□□□□ □□□□□□□□□□□□ □□□□□□□□ □□Послание Федеральному Собранию Российской Федерации 2000….......................................................159\nПослание Федеральному Собранию Российской Федерации 2003.........................................................176\nПослание Федеральному Собранию Российской Федерации 2004.........................................................179\nРабочая Группа Оргкомитета Гражданского Форума, Образованная из Трех Равных по Составу Квот.....................182\nО целях и задачах Гражданского Форума..................185\n\n參考文獻.....................................................191\n\n\n圖表目錄\n\n圖2-1 政治、經濟和公民社會團體關係圖.........................28\n圖2-2 1987-1999年前蘇聯時期抗議動員活動次數表................49\n圖3-1 1996-2004年俄國公民社會組織與社團數量圖...............109\n\n表3-2　俄羅斯GDP指標.........................................112\n表3-3　「自由之家」的評比：俄羅斯公民自由程度................114\n表5-1　「自由之家」的評比：俄羅斯民主自由程度................156zh_TW
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dc.source.urihttp://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0912630072en_US
dc.subject普丁zh_TW
dc.subject俄羅斯zh_TW
dc.subject公民社會zh_TW
dc.subject公民論壇zh_TW
dc.subject管理式民主zh_TW
dc.subjectPutinen_US
dc.subjectRussiaen_US
dc.subjectCivil Societyen_US
dc.subjectCivic Forumen_US
dc.subjectManaged Democracyen_US
dc.title普丁時期俄羅斯公民社會與國家關係之研究zh_TW
dc.titleA Study of the Relationship between Civil Society and the State in Putin`s Russiaen_US
dc.typethesisen
dc.relation.reference中文資料zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference盛世良，〈普京第二任期對內政策的調整〉，《當代世界與社會主義雙月刊》，2004，第二期，頁96-99。zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference許新，〈普京總統新任期的經濟治國方略〉，《俄羅斯中亞東歐研究》，2004，第二期，頁8-18。zh_TW
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