學術產出-期刊論文

文章檢視/開啟

書目匯出

Google ScholarTM

政大圖書館

引文資訊

TAIR相關學術產出

題名 Consonant-Tone Interaction in Thai: An OT Analysis
作者 Ruangjaroon, Sugunya
日期 2006-12
上傳時間 11-八月-2016 11:01:46 (UTC+8)
摘要 Thai tones have traditionally been characterized in terms of a correlation between tones and syllable type (Gandour 1974, Tumtavitikul 1993, Intrasri 2001, Morin and Zsiga 2006). However, I show that a more interesting set of observations can be made on the distribution of Thai tones in which they can be explained as a consequence of consonant-tone interaction within an OT framework. The observations are that unaspirated stops are not compatible with a high tone vowel in the nucleus. An obstruent coda has the effect of shortening the vowel in the nucleus, something that is testable via phonetic experimentation. This shortening effect places a burden on either phonetic perception or production, so that the five-way contrast is neutralized to a two-way contrast. The shortening effect places an especially strong burden on contour tones, so these tones are preferably excluded from the two-way contrast. The best two-way contrast among the three level tones is a simple high-low contrast, which is more readily perceivable than a low-mid or high-mid contrast. I also show that unaspirated obstruents prefer to be adjacent to a non-high tone. Unaspirated coda are allowed to be adjacent to a preceding high tone in a short vowel, but a long vowel presents an opportunity to insert a low tone on the second tone bearing unit, thus producing a two-way contrast between low and falling tone instead. This insertion of a low tone is done in order to avoid a situation where a high tone vowel would be adjacent to the unaspirated consonant. A high-tone vowel- unaspirated coda sequence would result otherwise. It is argued that the attested patterns of consonant-tone interaction in Thai are captured by conjoining two markedness constraints in addition to the simple markedness constraints.
關聯 臺灣語言學期刊, 4(2), 1-66
Taiwan Journal of Linguistics
資料類型 article
DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1
dc.creator (作者) Ruangjaroon, Sugunya-
dc.date (日期) 2006-12-
dc.date.accessioned 11-八月-2016 11:01:46 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 11-八月-2016 11:01:46 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 11-八月-2016 11:01:46 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/99981-
dc.description.abstract (摘要) Thai tones have traditionally been characterized in terms of a correlation between tones and syllable type (Gandour 1974, Tumtavitikul 1993, Intrasri 2001, Morin and Zsiga 2006). However, I show that a more interesting set of observations can be made on the distribution of Thai tones in which they can be explained as a consequence of consonant-tone interaction within an OT framework. The observations are that unaspirated stops are not compatible with a high tone vowel in the nucleus. An obstruent coda has the effect of shortening the vowel in the nucleus, something that is testable via phonetic experimentation. This shortening effect places a burden on either phonetic perception or production, so that the five-way contrast is neutralized to a two-way contrast. The shortening effect places an especially strong burden on contour tones, so these tones are preferably excluded from the two-way contrast. The best two-way contrast among the three level tones is a simple high-low contrast, which is more readily perceivable than a low-mid or high-mid contrast. I also show that unaspirated obstruents prefer to be adjacent to a non-high tone. Unaspirated coda are allowed to be adjacent to a preceding high tone in a short vowel, but a long vowel presents an opportunity to insert a low tone on the second tone bearing unit, thus producing a two-way contrast between low and falling tone instead. This insertion of a low tone is done in order to avoid a situation where a high tone vowel would be adjacent to the unaspirated consonant. A high-tone vowel- unaspirated coda sequence would result otherwise. It is argued that the attested patterns of consonant-tone interaction in Thai are captured by conjoining two markedness constraints in addition to the simple markedness constraints.-
dc.format.extent 1161500 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.relation (關聯) 臺灣語言學期刊, 4(2), 1-66-
dc.relation (關聯) Taiwan Journal of Linguistics-
dc.title (題名) Consonant-Tone Interaction in Thai: An OT Analysis-
dc.type (資料類型) article-
dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1-
dc.doi.uri (DOI) http://dx.doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1-