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題名 Deriving VP-NEG Questions in Modern Chinese: A Unified Analysis of A-Not-A Syntax
其他題名 論現代漢語否定詞結尾問句的衍生方式:各類型正反問句的一致性分析
作者 黃瑞恆
Huang, Rui-heng Ray
關鍵詞 VP-neg questions; negative particle questions; A-not-A questions; disjunctive questions; reduplication, ellipsis
日期 2008-06
上傳時間 11-Aug-2016 11:24:26 (UTC+8)
摘要 本文提倡一致性分析(unified analysis)來衍生各種不同類型的正反問句(或稱反覆問句,A-not-A question),其中包含否定詞結尾問句(VP-neg question)。本文提議,所有類型的正反問句皆以同一個單一動詞組為基底,施以構詞重疊(morphological reduplication)而形成,惟某些類型之生成則必須再進行照應刪略(anaphoric ellipsis)。根據此一提案,否定詞結尾問句之衍生,乃透過刪略手段,將動詞組重疊結構(VP-not-VP)刪除後段動詞組而達成。本文同時論證,現代漢語否定詞結尾問句實屬正反問句之變體,而不屬助詞問句(particle question,鄭禮珊等人1996)。此論點可由語言事實加以佐證:否定詞結尾問句與其他類型正反問句在許多方面表現一致,但與典型的助詞問句(「嗎」)表現不同。
This paper advocates a unified analysis of various subtypes of A-not-A questions, including VP-neg questions. It is proposed that all A-not-A subtypes are derived from a simplex VP source via morphological reduplication, with certain subtypes undergoing a further process of anaphoric ellipsis. Under this proposal, VP-neg questions are formed by deleting the second VP of a reduplicated VP-not-VP structure. It is argued that the analysis of VP-neg as an A-not-A variant is more desirable than the analysis of VP-neg as being on a par with a particle question (Cheng et al. 1996), because a number of parallelisms are shown to exist between VP-neg and other subtypes of A-not-A questions, but not between VP-neg and typical particle questions.
關聯 臺灣語言學期刊, 6(1), 1-54
Taiwan Journal of Linguistics
資料類型 article
DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2008.6(1).1
dc.creator (作者) 黃瑞恆zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Huang, Rui-heng Ray-
dc.date (日期) 2008-06-
dc.date.accessioned 11-Aug-2016 11:24:26 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 11-Aug-2016 11:24:26 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 11-Aug-2016 11:24:26 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/99990-
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本文提倡一致性分析(unified analysis)來衍生各種不同類型的正反問句(或稱反覆問句,A-not-A question),其中包含否定詞結尾問句(VP-neg question)。本文提議,所有類型的正反問句皆以同一個單一動詞組為基底,施以構詞重疊(morphological reduplication)而形成,惟某些類型之生成則必須再進行照應刪略(anaphoric ellipsis)。根據此一提案,否定詞結尾問句之衍生,乃透過刪略手段,將動詞組重疊結構(VP-not-VP)刪除後段動詞組而達成。本文同時論證,現代漢語否定詞結尾問句實屬正反問句之變體,而不屬助詞問句(particle question,鄭禮珊等人1996)。此論點可由語言事實加以佐證:否定詞結尾問句與其他類型正反問句在許多方面表現一致,但與典型的助詞問句(「嗎」)表現不同。-
dc.description.abstract (摘要) This paper advocates a unified analysis of various subtypes of A-not-A questions, including VP-neg questions. It is proposed that all A-not-A subtypes are derived from a simplex VP source via morphological reduplication, with certain subtypes undergoing a further process of anaphoric ellipsis. Under this proposal, VP-neg questions are formed by deleting the second VP of a reduplicated VP-not-VP structure. It is argued that the analysis of VP-neg as an A-not-A variant is more desirable than the analysis of VP-neg as being on a par with a particle question (Cheng et al. 1996), because a number of parallelisms are shown to exist between VP-neg and other subtypes of A-not-A questions, but not between VP-neg and typical particle questions.-
dc.format.extent 3847904 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.relation (關聯) 臺灣語言學期刊, 6(1), 1-54-
dc.relation (關聯) Taiwan Journal of Linguistics-
dc.subject (關鍵詞) VP-neg questions; negative particle questions; A-not-A questions; disjunctive questions; reduplication, ellipsis-
dc.title (題名) Deriving VP-NEG Questions in Modern Chinese: A Unified Analysis of A-Not-A Syntax-
dc.title.alternative (其他題名) 論現代漢語否定詞結尾問句的衍生方式:各類型正反問句的一致性分析-
dc.type (資料類型) article-
dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6519/TJL.2008.6(1).1-
dc.doi.uri (DOI) http://dx.doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2008.6(1).1-