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題名 Structure of numerals and numeral classifiers in Chinese: Historical and typological perspectives and cross-linguistic implications
其他題名 從歷史與型態學的角度看漢語中數詞與量詞的語法結構以及其跨語言的意涵
作者 何萬順
Her, One-Soon
貢獻者 語言學研究所;心智大腦與學習研究中心
關鍵詞 classifier;measure word;constituency;numerals;multiplication;head-parameter;分類詞;量詞;短語結構;數詞;乘法;中心語參數
日期 2016
上傳時間 7-Jun-2017 11:43:42 (UTC+8)
摘要 It is controversial whether a classifier (C) or measure word (M) in Chinese forms a constituent first with Num (numeral) or N in a [Num C/M N] phrase. This paper reviews evidence for the [Num C/M] constituency from modern Chinese and then provides evidence from historical and typological perspectives. Under the [Num C/M] constituency, not only the C/M word orders attested in Chinese history, but also all those attested elsewhere, can be straightforwardly accounted for by the head parameter, while such simplicity is unattainable under the [C/M N] constituency. In addition, fresh evidence is obtained from the internal word order within a complex numeral; e.g., san-shi ‘30’ is base-final, with n (3) and base (10) entering into a multiplicative function, 3×10. The same multiplicative function exists between Num and C/M, e.g., san-duo hua ‘3 C flower’ = 3×1 flower, and san-da hua ‘3 dozen flower’ = 3×12 flower. C/M and bases are thus unified as multiplicands, an insight further supported by the consistent correlation between the base-final order and the C/M-final order throughout the history of Chinese. A closer examination of the 103 classifier languages in Greenberg (1990[1978]) further reveals that, among the 52 languages whose numeral systems and C/M word orders can be obtained, the synchronization between the numeral base and C/M is nearly universal. The base-C/M unification as multiplicands and base-C/M synchronization in word order strongly suggest that Num and C/M form a single constituent. 分類詞(C)與量詞(M)究竟是先與數詞(Num)結合形成短語 [Num C/M],還是先與名詞(N)形成短語 [C/M N],一直存有爭議。本文首先簡要回顧現代漢語中的證據,接著從歷史與型態學的角度提出兩種新的證據,論證 [Num C/M] 先形成短語。第一種證據來自數詞中的乘法結構,如「三十」乃 3×10,同樣的乘法結構存在於Num 與C/M 之間,如「三打」乃 3×12,可見C/M 與位數詞(base)的功能相同,都是被乘數(multiplicand)。在漢語三千多年的文字歷史裡,數詞從來都是位數在後(base-final),如「三十」、「三百」,同樣的Num 與C/M 之間也從來都是「C/M 在後」(C/M-final)。我們根據Greenberg (1990[1978]) 找出了52 個語言,發現其C/M 與位數(base)的詞序極為一致。這顯示了「三打」與「三十」一樣形成短語。第二種證據來自C/M 詞序在型態學上的四種變異:在 [Num C/M] 形成短語的假設下,不僅是漢語歷史發展中的C/M 詞序,而是所有分類詞語言中的四種詞序,都可以直接的由中心語參數(head parameter)得到解釋。
關聯 Language and Linguistics, Vol.18, No.1, 26-71
資料類型 article
dc.contributor 語言學研究所;心智大腦與學習研究中心
dc.creator (作者) 何萬順zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Her, One-Soon
dc.date (日期) 2016
dc.date.accessioned 7-Jun-2017 11:43:42 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 7-Jun-2017 11:43:42 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 7-Jun-2017 11:43:42 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/110219-
dc.description.abstract (摘要) It is controversial whether a classifier (C) or measure word (M) in Chinese forms a constituent first with Num (numeral) or N in a [Num C/M N] phrase. This paper reviews evidence for the [Num C/M] constituency from modern Chinese and then provides evidence from historical and typological perspectives. Under the [Num C/M] constituency, not only the C/M word orders attested in Chinese history, but also all those attested elsewhere, can be straightforwardly accounted for by the head parameter, while such simplicity is unattainable under the [C/M N] constituency. In addition, fresh evidence is obtained from the internal word order within a complex numeral; e.g., san-shi ‘30’ is base-final, with n (3) and base (10) entering into a multiplicative function, 3×10. The same multiplicative function exists between Num and C/M, e.g., san-duo hua ‘3 C flower’ = 3×1 flower, and san-da hua ‘3 dozen flower’ = 3×12 flower. C/M and bases are thus unified as multiplicands, an insight further supported by the consistent correlation between the base-final order and the C/M-final order throughout the history of Chinese. A closer examination of the 103 classifier languages in Greenberg (1990[1978]) further reveals that, among the 52 languages whose numeral systems and C/M word orders can be obtained, the synchronization between the numeral base and C/M is nearly universal. The base-C/M unification as multiplicands and base-C/M synchronization in word order strongly suggest that Num and C/M form a single constituent. 分類詞(C)與量詞(M)究竟是先與數詞(Num)結合形成短語 [Num C/M],還是先與名詞(N)形成短語 [C/M N],一直存有爭議。本文首先簡要回顧現代漢語中的證據,接著從歷史與型態學的角度提出兩種新的證據,論證 [Num C/M] 先形成短語。第一種證據來自數詞中的乘法結構,如「三十」乃 3×10,同樣的乘法結構存在於Num 與C/M 之間,如「三打」乃 3×12,可見C/M 與位數詞(base)的功能相同,都是被乘數(multiplicand)。在漢語三千多年的文字歷史裡,數詞從來都是位數在後(base-final),如「三十」、「三百」,同樣的Num 與C/M 之間也從來都是「C/M 在後」(C/M-final)。我們根據Greenberg (1990[1978]) 找出了52 個語言,發現其C/M 與位數(base)的詞序極為一致。這顯示了「三打」與「三十」一樣形成短語。第二種證據來自C/M 詞序在型態學上的四種變異:在 [Num C/M] 形成短語的假設下,不僅是漢語歷史發展中的C/M 詞序,而是所有分類詞語言中的四種詞序,都可以直接的由中心語參數(head parameter)得到解釋。
dc.format.extent 793844 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.relation (關聯) Language and Linguistics, Vol.18, No.1, 26-71
dc.subject (關鍵詞) classifier;measure word;constituency;numerals;multiplication;head-parameter;分類詞;量詞;短語結構;數詞;乘法;中心語參數
dc.title (題名) Structure of numerals and numeral classifiers in Chinese: Historical and typological perspectives and cross-linguistic implications
dc.title.alternative (其他題名) 從歷史與型態學的角度看漢語中數詞與量詞的語法結構以及其跨語言的意涵
dc.type (資料類型) article