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題名 美國小布希政府對阿拉伯地區的公眾外交與阿拉伯國家新媒體的運用
Public Diplomacy of the U.S. Bush Administration towards the Arab Area and the Employment of New Media in Arab States作者 濮辰檸
Pu, Chen-Ning貢獻者 黃奎博
Hunag, Kwei-Bo
濮辰檸
Pu, Chen-Ning關鍵詞 軟實力
單邊主義
樂隊花車效應
公眾外交
新保守主義
Soft Power
Unilateralism
Bandwagon
Public Diplomacy
Neo-Conservatism日期 2020 上傳時間 1-Jul-2020 14:00:41 (UTC+8) 摘要 本篇論文旨在研究 George W. Bush 時期針對阿拉伯地區的公眾外交，並提 出是否有任何值得改進與檢討之處，同時也論及，在波斯灣戰爭之後，阿拉伯地 區在面對如洪水猛獸的美國霸權論述，如何在中東地區建立起區域媒體，如半島 電視台與之抗衡的景況。因此本篇論文將從數層面分析，第二章將會自公眾外交的理論與國際傳播、 軟實力等相關詞彙出發，討論公眾外交的發展情形，同時分析公眾外交的歷史脈 絡與在各國實踐的景況。本篇論文順應新媒體時代的來臨，筆者探討公眾外交不 斷推陳出新的情形，繼而在公眾外交的三大層面:獨白、對話與協作的機制下進 一步的為個別國家創造於己有利的國際環境，遂行裨益於其國家利益的外交政策。第三章開始，筆者回溯 Bush 時期針對阿拉伯地區的外交政策主軸，也就是 布希主義與新保守主義。國際關係大師米爾斯海默提出了新保守主義與現實主義 的爭辯，針對布希主義的單邊主義與先制攻擊等政策思維，兩者各有不同的省思 與論述。換言之，新保守主義以為面對 Bush 定義的邪惡軸心國家，若行以棍棒 外交，此舉將會為美國帶來樂隊花車效應的正面效果，但現實主義認為，使用棍 棒外交將會引起對手國聯盟以抗衡的反效果。再者，Bush 在其任內針對阿拉伯地區軍費與公眾外交的預算支出的大幅差異，便能導出一個結論，即 Bush 對中 東的公眾外交著力不深，導致最終成效不彰，讓中東地區的反美主義更形熾烈。第四章開始，筆者開始換一個角度思考，也就是自中東的觀點衡諸一切，一 方面，中東的區域媒體發展的較晚，但對於西方而言，也是來勢洶洶。比較中東 各媒體，如半島電視台與阿布達比電視台針對 Bush 與美國的言論與立場所進行 的詮釋與論述，似乎看出了在爭奪話語權的努力，已然有了一番成績，而在極端 保守的阿拉伯國家如沙烏地阿拉伯與最自由的國度，如黎巴嫩，儘管兩國針對新 媒體的態度與反應大相徑庭，但新媒體對該社會情勢的衝擊自不在話下。由以上論述可知，西方世界與阿拉伯地區的話語權爭奪方興未艾，過往學者 多重視傳統高階政治，輕視公眾外交，但在新科技勃興的現代，國家之間，礙於 支出與國家互賴的關係，相對較不可能兵戎相見，但在詮釋國際事件與表現國家 品牌的競爭上，只會更形激烈。
The main goal of my thesis is to study the George W. Bush administration`s public diplomacy toward the Arab area and discuss whether it needed improvements.Thus, this thesis will begin its analysis on the basis of several dimensions. Chapter Two will unfold from the theories of public diplomacy, international communication and soft power, and at the same time talk about the development of public diplomacy and analyze its history and its practice. Along with the advent of new media, I want to discuss the renewing of public diplomacy and later to create an international environment which is beneficial to itself, and create the diplomatic strategy beneficial to the so-called national interests.In the Chapter Three, I want to date back the main gist of Arabia diplomatic strategy- the Bush doctrine and Neo- Conservativism. John Mearsheimer uphold the debate of Neo-conservativism and Realism and two of them have different inspirations towards the Bush doctrine. In other words, Neo-Conservativism thinks that if the nation use weapons and military tools upon the evil axis will bring the positive effect for U.S., but the realism thinks using military works will have the backlash. Last but not least, the stark difference between Arabic military budget and the public diplomacy budget will get a conclusion- Bush didn’t put much focus upon the Middle East public diplomacy and make the anti-Americanism much wilder.In the Chapter four, I present another angle – how did the Middle East perceive all this. On the one hand, the development of the Middle East media is much later, but on the other hand, it also appears ferocious to the West. But if one compares the interpretations and the standings of all the different middle East media, we also can find it already has good performance. For example, in the much freer country as well as the much conservative country like Saudi Arab as well we Lebanon, the impact of the new media can be seen.All the discussions indicate that the competition of the ideas between the West and the Arab is still ongoing. In the past, scholars stressed high politics and played down the importance of public diplomacy. Nowadays, it is more difficult for countries to wage war against other countries, and the competition over nation branding and the way to interpret international events will be much fiercer.參考文獻 中文部分一、中文期刊王克勛 (1952)。〈什麼叫做史密斯法案〉，《世界知識》，25(14)，6。 王維菁 (2015)。〈輸出美國:美國新聞署與美國公眾外交〉，《傳播、文化與政治》，1，201-205。巨克毅與施順冰 (2008)。〈美國新保守主義理念與美伊戰爭:兼論保守派媒體形塑戰爭〉，《全球政治評論》，8，1-28。李忠斌 (2012)。〈新媒體與歐巴馬政府的公共外交〉，《美國研究》，2，18。林照真 (2016)。〈來自南方:半島電視台的新聞聚合研究〉，《新聞學研究》， 129，97-142。林照真 (2017)。〈恐怖主義與媒體: 檢視美國反恐戰爭、伊斯蘭恐慌與半島電視 台〉，《新聞學研究》，133，1-41。吳玉山 (2002)。〈仍是現實主義的傳統:九一一與布希主義〉，《政治科學論叢》， 17，1-32。范鴻達 (2006)。〈中東反美主義:美國的對策及其評價〉，《阿拉伯世界研究》， 4，38-42。唐小松與王義桅 (2005)。〈國外對公共外交的探索〉，《國際問題研究》，1， 60-63。唐小松與王義桅 (2003)。〈美國公共外交的興起及其對美國外交政策的反思〉， 《世界經濟與政治》，4，22-27。趙可金 (2004)。〈媒體外交及其運作機制〉，《世界經濟與政治》，4，21-26。 黃奎博 (2011)。〈後賓拉登時期的美國全球反恐戰略〉，《全球政治評論》，35，1-6。楊福昌 (2005)。〈美國的“大中東改革計畫”實現難〉，《阿拉伯世界》，5，11-13。楊吉林 (2010)。〈反美主義與布希新保守主義外交政策之探討〉，《長庚人文社會學報》，3(2)，405-446。謝敏捷 (2005)。〈美國的中東政策─布希總統推動中東民主的機會與挑戰〉。《台 灣國際研究期刊》，1(3)，1-15。羅愛玲 (2014)。〈美國政府中東公共外交:目標、內容與成效分析〉《國際關係 研究》，3，113-157。顏琳與李開盛 (2012)。〈評歐巴馬在中東-伊斯蘭世界的公共外交〉《現代國際 關係》，3，61-64。二、學位論文李琦 (2010)。《論小布希第二任期內美國公共外交的調整》。北京:外交學院外 交學研究所，碩士論文。蕭裕民 (2010)。《國際新聞論述之競逐與反思:以批判性論述分析透視 Al-Jazeera 與 CNN「以巴衝突」之國族建構策略》。臺北:國立交通大學傳播研究所，碩士 論文。英文部分一、英文專書及專章Brown, J. F., (2013). Radio Free Europe: An Insider’s View. Washington, DC: New Academia Publishing.Carvalho, C. R., (2009). International Radio Broadcasting in a Globalizing World: A New Paradigm, A New Information and Communication Order. Saarbrücken:: VDM Verlag.Cull, N. J., (2009). Public Diplomacy: Lessons from the Past. Los Angeles, CA: Figueroa Press.Davis, J., (2011). The Barack Obama Presidency: A Two-Year Assessment. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Fitzpatrick, K. R., (2010). The Future of U.S. Public Diplomacy: An Uncertain Fate. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.Ham, P. V. (2005). “Power, Public Diplomacy, and the Pax Americana” In Melissen J. (eds), The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, pp. 47-66. USA: Palgrave Macmillan.Howell, W. J., (1986). World Broadcasting in the Age of the Satellite: Comparative Systems, Policies, and Issues in Mass Telecommunication. New York: Praeger.Johnson, A. R., (2010). Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty: The CIA Years and Beyond. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.Katzenstein, P. J., and Keohane, R. O., (2007). Anti-Americanisms in World Politics. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.Melissen, J., (2005). Wielding Soft Power: The New Public Diplomacy. The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael.Onea, T., (2013). US Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era: Restraint versus Assertiveness from George H.W. Bush to Barack Obama. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Revel, J. F., and Diarmid, C., (2003). Anti-Americanism. San Francisco, Calif.: Encounter Books.Seib, P. M., and Janbek, D. M., (2011). Global Terrorism and New Media: The Post- Al Qaeda Generation. London: New York: Routledge.Seib, P. M., (2009). Toward a New Public Diplomacy: Redirecting US Foreign Policy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Snow, N., (2009). Persuader-in-Chief: Global Opinion and Public Diplomacy in the Age of Obama. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Nimble Books LLC.Wheeler, M., and Iosifidis, P., (2016). Public Spheres and Mediated Social Networks in the Western Context and Beyond. London: Palgrave Macmillan.二、英文期刊Baroudi, S. E. (2007). “Arab intellectuals and the Bush administration`s campaign for democracy: The case of the Greater Middle East Initiative.” The Middle East Journal, 61(3), 390-418.Berggren, D. J., and Rae, N. C. (2006). “Jimmy Carter and George W. Bush: Faith, foreign policy, and an evangelical presidential style.” Presidential Studies Quarterly, 36(4), 606-632.Blaydes, L., and Linzer, D. A. (2012). “Elite competition, religiosity, and anti- Americanism in the Islamic world.” American Political Science Review, 106(2), 225- 243.Cull, N. J. (2010). “Speeding the strange death of American public diplomacy: The George HW Bush administration and the U.S. information agency.” Diplomatic History, 34(1), 47-69.El-Nawawy, M. (2006). “US public diplomacy in the Arab world: The news credibility of Radio Sawa and Television Alhurra in five countries.” Global Media and Communication, 2(2), 183-203.Gentzkow, M. A., and Shapiro, J. M. (2004). “Media, education and anti-Americanism in the Muslim world.” Journal of Economic perspectives, 18(3), 117-133.Ghareeb, E. (2000). “New media and the information revolution in the Arab world: An assessment.” The Middle East Journal, 54(3), 395-418.Harris, B. (2013). “Diplomacy 2.0: the future of social media in nation branding.” The Journal of Public Diplomacy, 4(1), 3.Kahwaji, R. (2004). “US-Arab cooperation in the Gulf: are both sides working from the same script?” Middle East Policy, 11(3), 52-62.Katzman, K. (2003). “The Persian Gulf states: Post-war issues for US policy.” Library of Congress Washington DC Congressional Research Service.Kennedy, L., and Lucas, S. (2005). “Enduring freedom: Public diplomacy and US foreign policy.” American Quarterly, 57(2), 309-333.Khatib, L., Dutton, W., and Thelwall, M. (2012). “Public diplomacy 2.0: A case study of the US digital outreach team.” The Middle East Journal, 66(3), 453-472.Kraidy, M. M. (2007). “Saudi Arabia, Lebanon and the changing Arab information order.” International Journal of Communication, 1, 139.Krastev, I. (2004). “The anti-American Century?” Journal of Democracy. 15(2), 5-16. Krause, P. and Van Evera, S. (2009). “Public diplomacy: Ideas for the War of Ideas.”Middle East Policy. 16(3),106-134.Mearsheimer, J. J. (2005). “Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq war: realism versus neo-conservatism.” Security Studies. 17(2), 191-220.Merskin, D., (2005). “The construction of Arabs as Enemies: Post-9/11 Discourse of George W. Bush.”Mass Communication and Society. 7(2) 157-175.Nisbet, E. C., Nisbet, M. C., Scheufele, D. A., and Shanahan, J. E. (2004). “Public diplomacy, television news, and Muslim opinion.” Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 9(2), 11-37.Price, M. (2003). “Public diplomacy and the transformation of international broadcasting.”, Cardozo Arts and Entertainment Law Journal, 21(1), 51-85.Record, J. (2003). “The bush doctrine and war with Iraq.” Parameters, 33(1), 4-21.Sevin, E., Kimball, S., and Khalil, M. (2011). “Listening to President Obama: A short examination of Obama’s communication practices.” American Behavioral Scientist, 55(6), 803-812.三、網路資源Bjola, C., and Jiang, L. (2015). “Social media and public diplomacy: a comparative analysis of the digital diplomatic strategies of the EU, US and Japan in China.”{ HYPERLINK“https://www.qeh.ox.ac.uk/publications/social-media-and-public- diplomacy-comparative-analysis-digital-diplomatic-strategies-eu” }. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3.Gordon, P. H. (2006). “The end of the Bush revolution.”{ HYPERLINK“https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2006-07-01/end-bush-revolution” }. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3.Kraidy, M. M. (2008). “Arab Media and US Policy: A Public Diplomacy Reset.” { HYPERLINK“https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1188&con text=asc_papers”}. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3.Rugh, W. A. (2004). “Fixing Public Diplomacy for Arab and Muslim Audiences.”{ HYPERLINK“https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/08179 45423_145.pdf” }. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3.Sanders, B. A. (2018). “Organizing Public Diplomacy: A Layered System.” { HYPERLINK“ https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/sites/uscpublicdiplomacy.org/f iles/useruploads/u39301/Organizing%20Public%20Diplomacy_3.17.18_barcode.pdf” }. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3.Seib, P. (2013). “Public diplomacy and the media in the Middle East.” CPD Perspectives on Public. { HYPERLINK“https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/sites/uscpublicdiplomacy.org/files/legacy/publi cations/perspectives/CPDPerspectivesPDand%20MediaandMiddle%20East%20- %20Linked.pdf” }. Retrieval Date:2020/5/3. 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系
105253021資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0105253021 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 黃奎博 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Hunag, Kwei-Bo en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 濮辰檸 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Pu, Chen-Ning en_US dc.creator (作者) 濮辰檸 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Pu, Chen-Ning en_US dc.date (日期) 2020 en_US dc.date.accessioned 1-Jul-2020 14:00:41 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 1-Jul-2020 14:00:41 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-Jul-2020 14:00:41 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0105253021 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/130640 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 外交學系 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 105253021 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本篇論文旨在研究 George W. Bush 時期針對阿拉伯地區的公眾外交，並提 出是否有任何值得改進與檢討之處，同時也論及，在波斯灣戰爭之後，阿拉伯地 區在面對如洪水猛獸的美國霸權論述，如何在中東地區建立起區域媒體，如半島 電視台與之抗衡的景況。因此本篇論文將從數層面分析，第二章將會自公眾外交的理論與國際傳播、 軟實力等相關詞彙出發，討論公眾外交的發展情形，同時分析公眾外交的歷史脈 絡與在各國實踐的景況。本篇論文順應新媒體時代的來臨，筆者探討公眾外交不 斷推陳出新的情形，繼而在公眾外交的三大層面:獨白、對話與協作的機制下進 一步的為個別國家創造於己有利的國際環境，遂行裨益於其國家利益的外交政策。第三章開始，筆者回溯 Bush 時期針對阿拉伯地區的外交政策主軸，也就是 布希主義與新保守主義。國際關係大師米爾斯海默提出了新保守主義與現實主義 的爭辯，針對布希主義的單邊主義與先制攻擊等政策思維，兩者各有不同的省思 與論述。換言之，新保守主義以為面對 Bush 定義的邪惡軸心國家，若行以棍棒 外交，此舉將會為美國帶來樂隊花車效應的正面效果，但現實主義認為，使用棍 棒外交將會引起對手國聯盟以抗衡的反效果。再者，Bush 在其任內針對阿拉伯地區軍費與公眾外交的預算支出的大幅差異，便能導出一個結論，即 Bush 對中 東的公眾外交著力不深，導致最終成效不彰，讓中東地區的反美主義更形熾烈。第四章開始，筆者開始換一個角度思考，也就是自中東的觀點衡諸一切，一 方面，中東的區域媒體發展的較晚，但對於西方而言，也是來勢洶洶。比較中東 各媒體，如半島電視台與阿布達比電視台針對 Bush 與美國的言論與立場所進行 的詮釋與論述，似乎看出了在爭奪話語權的努力，已然有了一番成績，而在極端 保守的阿拉伯國家如沙烏地阿拉伯與最自由的國度，如黎巴嫩，儘管兩國針對新 媒體的態度與反應大相徑庭，但新媒體對該社會情勢的衝擊自不在話下。由以上論述可知，西方世界與阿拉伯地區的話語權爭奪方興未艾，過往學者 多重視傳統高階政治，輕視公眾外交，但在新科技勃興的現代，國家之間，礙於 支出與國家互賴的關係，相對較不可能兵戎相見，但在詮釋國際事件與表現國家 品牌的競爭上，只會更形激烈。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) The main goal of my thesis is to study the George W. Bush administration`s public diplomacy toward the Arab area and discuss whether it needed improvements.Thus, this thesis will begin its analysis on the basis of several dimensions. Chapter Two will unfold from the theories of public diplomacy, international communication and soft power, and at the same time talk about the development of public diplomacy and analyze its history and its practice. Along with the advent of new media, I want to discuss the renewing of public diplomacy and later to create an international environment which is beneficial to itself, and create the diplomatic strategy beneficial to the so-called national interests.In the Chapter Three, I want to date back the main gist of Arabia diplomatic strategy- the Bush doctrine and Neo- Conservativism. John Mearsheimer uphold the debate of Neo-conservativism and Realism and two of them have different inspirations towards the Bush doctrine. In other words, Neo-Conservativism thinks that if the nation use weapons and military tools upon the evil axis will bring the positive effect for U.S., but the realism thinks using military works will have the backlash. Last but not least, the stark difference between Arabic military budget and the public diplomacy budget will get a conclusion- Bush didn’t put much focus upon the Middle East public diplomacy and make the anti-Americanism much wilder.In the Chapter four, I present another angle – how did the Middle East perceive all this. On the one hand, the development of the Middle East media is much later, but on the other hand, it also appears ferocious to the West. But if one compares the interpretations and the standings of all the different middle East media, we also can find it already has good performance. For example, in the much freer country as well as the much conservative country like Saudi Arab as well we Lebanon, the impact of the new media can be seen.All the discussions indicate that the competition of the ideas between the West and the Arab is still ongoing. In the past, scholars stressed high politics and played down the importance of public diplomacy. Nowadays, it is more difficult for countries to wage war against other countries, and the competition over nation branding and the way to interpret international events will be much fiercer. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 目次謝辭 I中文摘要 IVAbstract VI目次 VIII表目錄 XIII第一章 緒論 1第一節 研究背景與動機 2一、研究背景 2二、研究動機 4三、研究問題 5第二節 文獻回顧 6一、公眾外交 6二、小布希的中東政策與新保守主義的角色 7三、小布希時期的公眾外交 11四、中東地區的反美情緒與國際傳播媒體現狀 17第三節 研究方法 23第四節 研究限制與預期發現 24第五節 章節安排 26第二章 公眾外交發展與理論 28第一節 公眾外交之定義 28一、公眾外交的歷史沿革 30二、公眾外交在他國的實踐 32三、傳統公眾外交與新公眾外交的差異 34四、公眾外交與軟實力的關係 36五、公眾外交的三個層面 41第二節 公眾外交2.0與新媒體下的公眾外交 50一、匯流 52二、客製化與普遍化 53第三節 公眾外交與國際傳播 56一、國際傳播的發軔與歷史 56二、國際傳播與公眾外交 58三、自由亞洲電視台的出現 66四、國際傳播與種族衝突的關聯 67五、「911」事件與國際傳播 68六、小結 70第三章 美國小布希時期的中東公眾外交 71第一節 美國小布希時期的中東政經與軍事政策 72一、「911」事件後：一種反現代化的激進主義面對福音教派的布希主義 72二、失敗的改革之路與理想主義：以2003年的伊拉克戰爭為例子 75三、再看布希主義（一）：新保守主義與現實主義的爭辯，越戰的前車之鑑 79四、再看布希主義（二）：不可嚇阻性和先制攻擊的謬誤與後遺症 83五、小布希的The Greater Middle East Initiative, GMEI（大中東計畫）與阿拉伯世界學者對其的評價 86第二節 小布希時期中東公眾外交的規劃與執行 97一、小布希時期歷任重要的公眾外交次卿與其政策主軸 97二、小布希主義蘊藏的自由價值、美利堅和平與自由帝國主義概念 104三、美國新聞總署與小布希時期的公眾外交的表現：從艾森豪時期談起，到伊拉克戰爭中的表現 107第三節 美國小布希時期公眾外交的回顧與評估 111一、關於公眾外交七個重要的問題意識 111二、Bush公眾外交在領導上的重大缺陷：以美國新聞總署與Voice of America（美國之音）為實例 114三、Bush時期web 2.0發展的代表團隊：數位外延團隊(Digital Outreach Team)的運作模式 116第四節 小結 119第四章 中東運用新媒體反抗西方世界論述的概況 121第一節 中東世界的反美情緒 121一、反美主義的成因：小布希政府的新保守主義政策取向 124二、如何看反美主義：爭辯中的阿拉伯世界反美主義 126三、回顧阿拉伯反美主義歷史 128四、再談反美主義的眾多來源 130五、反美主義的中介者：阿拉伯菁英的重要性 135第二節 中東與美國小布希時期的互動與糾結 138一、Bush政府所承繼的中東與美國的雙邊關係 139三、2003年後波灣地區與小布希政權的互動 146第三節 中東國家使用新媒體的概況 157一、沙烏地阿拉伯與黎巴嫩的連結，以及阿拉伯的資訊革命 157二、指標性節目〈Star Academy〉及沙烏地與黎巴嫩之間的關聯 158三、關於沙烏地阿拉伯的治理、超媒體與社會現實 159四、黎巴嫩的媒體與政治上的轉變 160第四節 中東反美國家對美國的媒體戰 161第五節 小結 165第五章 結論 167參考文獻 173 zh_TW dc.format.extent 1341059 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0105253021 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 軟實力 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 單邊主義 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 樂隊花車效應 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 公眾外交 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 新保守主義 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) Soft Power en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Unilateralism en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Bandwagon en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Public Diplomacy en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Neo-Conservatism en_US dc.title (題名) 美國小布希政府對阿拉伯地區的公眾外交與阿拉伯國家新媒體的運用 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Public Diplomacy of the U.S. Bush Administration towards the Arab Area and the Employment of New Media in Arab States en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 中文部分一、中文期刊王克勛 (1952)。〈什麼叫做史密斯法案〉，《世界知識》，25(14)，6。 王維菁 (2015)。〈輸出美國:美國新聞署與美國公眾外交〉，《傳播、文化與政治》，1，201-205。巨克毅與施順冰 (2008)。〈美國新保守主義理念與美伊戰爭:兼論保守派媒體形塑戰爭〉，《全球政治評論》，8，1-28。李忠斌 (2012)。〈新媒體與歐巴馬政府的公共外交〉，《美國研究》，2，18。林照真 (2016)。〈來自南方:半島電視台的新聞聚合研究〉，《新聞學研究》， 129，97-142。林照真 (2017)。〈恐怖主義與媒體: 檢視美國反恐戰爭、伊斯蘭恐慌與半島電視 台〉，《新聞學研究》，133，1-41。吳玉山 (2002)。〈仍是現實主義的傳統:九一一與布希主義〉，《政治科學論叢》， 17，1-32。范鴻達 (2006)。〈中東反美主義:美國的對策及其評價〉，《阿拉伯世界研究》， 4，38-42。唐小松與王義桅 (2005)。〈國外對公共外交的探索〉，《國際問題研究》，1， 60-63。唐小松與王義桅 (2003)。〈美國公共外交的興起及其對美國外交政策的反思〉， 《世界經濟與政治》，4，22-27。趙可金 (2004)。〈媒體外交及其運作機制〉，《世界經濟與政治》，4，21-26。 黃奎博 (2011)。〈後賓拉登時期的美國全球反恐戰略〉，《全球政治評論》，35，1-6。楊福昌 (2005)。〈美國的“大中東改革計畫”實現難〉，《阿拉伯世界》，5，11-13。楊吉林 (2010)。〈反美主義與布希新保守主義外交政策之探討〉，《長庚人文社會學報》，3(2)，405-446。謝敏捷 (2005)。〈美國的中東政策─布希總統推動中東民主的機會與挑戰〉。《台 灣國際研究期刊》，1(3)，1-15。羅愛玲 (2014)。〈美國政府中東公共外交:目標、內容與成效分析〉《國際關係 研究》，3，113-157。顏琳與李開盛 (2012)。〈評歐巴馬在中東-伊斯蘭世界的公共外交〉《現代國際 關係》，3，61-64。二、學位論文李琦 (2010)。《論小布希第二任期內美國公共外交的調整》。北京:外交學院外 交學研究所，碩士論文。蕭裕民 (2010)。《國際新聞論述之競逐與反思:以批判性論述分析透視 Al-Jazeera 與 CNN「以巴衝突」之國族建構策略》。臺北:國立交通大學傳播研究所，碩士 論文。英文部分一、英文專書及專章Brown, J. 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