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題名 中國與中東歐國家合作——波蘭個案研究 (2012-2021) : 有效的夥伴關係還是不平等合作方式?
The Cooperation between China and Central Eastern Europe - the Case of Poland (2012-2021): Effective Partnership or Unequal Framework?作者 白奧蘭
Bielakowska, Aleksandra Katarzyna貢獻者 湯紹成
Tang, Shao-Cheng
白奧蘭
Bielakowska, Aleksandra Katarzyna關鍵詞 波蘭
中國
中東歐國家
16+1
中波關係
中歐
China
Poland
Sino-Polish Relations
16+1
China-CEE
Central Europe日期 2022 上傳時間 1-Aug-2022 18:45:16 (UTC+8) 摘要 中國與中東歐之間的合作模式（俗稱「16+1」）是中歐關係的組成部分，同時也是由中國率領的跨區域、機構化合作平台的重要實例。作為中東歐地區最大國家的波蘭，被認為是16+1最重要的參與者。本文旨在考察波蘭政府對此合作模式的態度演變，且希冀解答波蘭是否將16+1視為有效合作模式的問題。作者將以上述問題為動機的考察過程分為兩個步驟。在前三章中所邁出的第一步，是介紹16+1合作模式的歷史與地緣政治背景以及該合作模式的發展歷程。作者對於1989年後的中歐關係、中國與中東歐關係以及中波關係略作簡介；後二者自2012年以來與16+1存在著密不可分的關聯性。本文為了解答研究問題所做的第二步，則是第四章中所進行的資料定性分析。本文所分析的資料，主要為作者從波蘭新聞局的檔案中所收集到的大量相關新聞稿。作為輔助資料，作者另將波蘭外交部的相關文件以及波蘭國營國際事務學院的週期刊物，一同納入討論範圍。本文針對這些資料所呈現的政治言談進行一番分析考察，以期表明波蘭政府對16+1效率的認識及其對此合作模式的一般態度。
Set within the larger structure of Sino-European relations, the cooperation framework between China and the Central Eastern Europe (CEE) region, commonly known as 16+1, is an important example of an institutionalized, PRC-led transregional cooperation platform. Poland, the largest country of the CEE region, can and has been perceived as the most important European participant to this cooperation. This thesis seeks to examine the evolving attitude of the Polish government towards the 16+1 framework, and in doing so to address the question of whether Poland perceives 16+1 as an effective cooperation format.The investigation motivated by these questions is carried out in two essential steps. The initial step, made by the author over the first three chapters, is the introduction of the historic and geopolitical background of the 16+1 framework and the development of the framework itself. The author delineates Sino-European, Sino-CEE and Sino-Polish relations after 1989, the latter two since 2012 being inseparably interwoven with the functioning of the 16+1 framework.The second step, made in the fourth chapter and immediately instrumental in answering the research questions, is the qualitative analysis of the source material, composed mainly of press releases of the Polish Press Agency, obtained by the author from the Agency’s archives. The corpus of press releases is supplemented by documents of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and periodic publications by Polish Institute of International Affairs. The content analysis of the political discourse represented in these sources is hoped to shed light on the Polish government’s perception of the effectiveness of 16+1 and its overall attitude to the framework.參考文獻 Monographies and dissertations:Andžāns, M. (2016). 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國立政治大學
東亞研究所
107260022資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107260022 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 湯紹成 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Tang, Shao-Cheng en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 白奧蘭 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Bielakowska, Aleksandra Katarzyna en_US dc.creator (作者) 白奧蘭 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Bielakowska, Aleksandra Katarzyna en_US dc.date (日期) 2022 en_US dc.date.accessioned 1-Aug-2022 18:45:16 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 1-Aug-2022 18:45:16 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-Aug-2022 18:45:16 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0107260022 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/141327 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 東亞研究所 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 107260022 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 中國與中東歐之間的合作模式（俗稱「16+1」）是中歐關係的組成部分，同時也是由中國率領的跨區域、機構化合作平台的重要實例。作為中東歐地區最大國家的波蘭，被認為是16+1最重要的參與者。本文旨在考察波蘭政府對此合作模式的態度演變，且希冀解答波蘭是否將16+1視為有效合作模式的問題。作者將以上述問題為動機的考察過程分為兩個步驟。在前三章中所邁出的第一步，是介紹16+1合作模式的歷史與地緣政治背景以及該合作模式的發展歷程。作者對於1989年後的中歐關係、中國與中東歐關係以及中波關係略作簡介；後二者自2012年以來與16+1存在著密不可分的關聯性。本文為了解答研究問題所做的第二步，則是第四章中所進行的資料定性分析。本文所分析的資料，主要為作者從波蘭新聞局的檔案中所收集到的大量相關新聞稿。作為輔助資料，作者另將波蘭外交部的相關文件以及波蘭國營國際事務學院的週期刊物，一同納入討論範圍。本文針對這些資料所呈現的政治言談進行一番分析考察，以期表明波蘭政府對16+1效率的認識及其對此合作模式的一般態度。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) Set within the larger structure of Sino-European relations, the cooperation framework between China and the Central Eastern Europe (CEE) region, commonly known as 16+1, is an important example of an institutionalized, PRC-led transregional cooperation platform. Poland, the largest country of the CEE region, can and has been perceived as the most important European participant to this cooperation. This thesis seeks to examine the evolving attitude of the Polish government towards the 16+1 framework, and in doing so to address the question of whether Poland perceives 16+1 as an effective cooperation format.The investigation motivated by these questions is carried out in two essential steps. The initial step, made by the author over the first three chapters, is the introduction of the historic and geopolitical background of the 16+1 framework and the development of the framework itself. The author delineates Sino-European, Sino-CEE and Sino-Polish relations after 1989, the latter two since 2012 being inseparably interwoven with the functioning of the 16+1 framework.The second step, made in the fourth chapter and immediately instrumental in answering the research questions, is the qualitative analysis of the source material, composed mainly of press releases of the Polish Press Agency, obtained by the author from the Agency’s archives. The corpus of press releases is supplemented by documents of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and periodic publications by Polish Institute of International Affairs. The content analysis of the political discourse represented in these sources is hoped to shed light on the Polish government’s perception of the effectiveness of 16+1 and its overall attitude to the framework. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents Acknowledgements......iEnglish Abstract......1Chinese Abstract......2Table of Contents......3INTRODUCTION......6Research background and purpose......6Research questions......6Literature review and theoretical framework......7Thesis structure......10Source material and methodology......13CHAPTER ONE: Development of China’s relations with Europe......161.1 Development of China’s relations with the EU since 1989......161.2 Development of China’s relations with CEE countries from 1989 to the establishment of the 16+1 framework in 2012......251.2.1 Sino-Hungarian relations prior to 16+1......291.2.2 Sino-Romanian relations prior to 16+1......311.2.3 Sino-Czech relations prior to 16+1......321.2.4 Sino-Slovak relations prior to 16+1......341.3 16+1: background of the framework’s invention......35CHAPTER TWO: Characteristics and development of 16+1 framework......382.1 Initial structure and basic characteristics of the 16+1framework......402.2 Major trends and phenomena in the development of the 16+1 framework......432.2.1 Multilayered institutionalization......442.2.2 Towards EU-ization, bilateralism and diversification......472.2.3 16+1 and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)......492.2.4 From 16 to 17: Admission of Greece (2019)......532.2.5 Back to 16: withdrawal of Lithuania (2021) and the COVID-19 pandemic......542.3 Problems of the 16+1 framework......562.3.1 Trade inequalities, investment obstacles and the question of reciprocity......592.3.2 Competing narratives and frame dissonance......632.3.3 Ideological differences and publicity problems......682.4. China’s cooperation with the Visegrád Group within the 16+1 framework......712.4.1 Hungary......742.4.2 Czech Republic......772.4.3 Slovakia......79CHAPTER THREE: Poland and China within the 16+1 framework......823.1 Development of Sino-Polish relations in the years 1989-2012......833.1.1 The case of COVEC......873.1.2 Sino-Polish strategic partnership......883.2 Poland within 16+1: the process of cooperation development under the China-CEE framework......903.2.1 Initial momentum......903.2.2 Economic underperformance and security concerns......933.2.2.1 Economic underperformance of 16+1 and the BRI......963.2.2.2 Security concerns and the American factor......98CHAPTER FOUR: Polish perception of the effectiveness of the 16+1......1034.1 Selection criteria and quantitative characteristics......1064.2 Periodization and content analysis......1124.2.1 2011: The year of the Poland-China rapprochement......1124.2.2 2012-2014: Optimistic opening......1154.2.3 2015-2016: Culminating promises......1234.2.4 2017-2019: Disappointing reality......1314.2.5 2020-2021: Shifting priorities......140CONCLUSIONS......147REFERENCES......155ANNEX I - Calendar of Events (2011-2021)......171 zh_TW dc.format.extent 2543370 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107260022 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 波蘭 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中國 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中東歐國家 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 16+1 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中波關係 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中歐 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) China en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Poland en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Sino-Polish Relations en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 16+1 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) China-CEE en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Central Europe en_US dc.title (題名) 中國與中東歐國家合作——波蘭個案研究 (2012-2021) : 有效的夥伴關係還是不平等合作方式? zh_TW dc.title (題名) The Cooperation between China and Central Eastern Europe - the Case of Poland (2012-2021): Effective Partnership or Unequal Framework? en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Monographies and dissertations:Andžāns, M. 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wants to participate in the implementation of the New Silk Road project], Polish Press Agency, 18 June 2016.Kozłowska, M. “Czaputowicz i Pompeo: mamy zbieżne interesy bezpieczeństwa; USA wspierają Europę Środkowo-Wschodnią (opis)” [Czaputowicz and Pompeo: we have convergent security interests; The US supports Central and Eastern Europe], Polish Press Agency, 12 February 2019.—— “Czaputowicz: wyzwaniem w relacjach polsko-chińskich brak zrównoważonej współpracy gospodarczej (opis)” [Czaputowicz: the lack of sustainable economic cooperation a challenge in Polish-Chinese relations], Polish Press Agency, 8 July 2019.Kuźniar, A. “MSZ/ Minister Jacek Czaputowicz rozmawiał z ambasadorem ChRL w Warszawie” [MoFA / Minister Jacek Czaputowicz spoke with the ambassador of the People`s Republic of China in Warsaw], Polish Press Agency, 17 March 2020.Krz, Gma. “Powstał Sekretariat 16 państw Europy i Chin ds. inwestycji” [The Secretariat of 16 European and Chinese countries for investments was established], Polish Press Agency, 19 November 2014.Kno, As. “W niedzielę prezydent Duda udaje się z kilkudniową wizytą do Chin” [On Sunday, President Duda is going to visit China for several days], Polish Press Agency, 22 November 2015.Kno, Mce, Mok, Mag. “Prezydent Chin złoży oficjalną wizytę w Polsce” [The President of China will pay an official visit to Poland], Polish Press Agency, 18 June 2016.Kno, Eaw, Woj. “Prezydent: mam nadzieję, że Polska stanie się bramą Chin do Europy (opis)" [President: I hope that Poland will become China`s gateway to Europe], Polish Press Agency, 20 June 2016.Kom, Aja. “MG ws. spotkania ministrów Waldemara Pawlaka i Miao Wei (komunikat)” [Ministry of Economy on the meeting of Ministers Waldemar Pawlak and Miao Wei], Polish Press Agency, 30 May 2012.Kom, Kos. “Sejm: spotkanie polskiej delegacji z przedstawicielami chińskich władz (komunikat)” [Sejm: meeting of the Polish delegation with representatives of Chinese authorities], Polish Press Agency, 5 June 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Coordinators of Central and Eastern Europe - China cooperation], Polish Press Agency, 29 October 2019.Kozłowska, M. “Morawiecki: Polska jest jednocześnie proamerykańska i proeuropejska (opis)” [Morawiecki: Poland is pro-American and pro-European at the same time], Polish Press Agency, 17 November 2018.Laz, Mrr, Par, Mow. “Tusk: Chiny i Europa Środkowa symbolami sukcesu i rozwoju (opis2)” [Tusk: China and Central Europe as symbols of success and development], Polish Press Agency, 26 April 2012.Laz, Wkr, Eaw, Ura. “Tusk: Polska filarem produkcyjno-usługowym Europy (krótka)” [Tusk: Poland is the production and service pillar of Europe], Polish Press Agency, 26 April 2012.Musiał, M. “Morawiecki: Chcemy wykorzystać potencjał Bałtyku w handlu z Chinami (opis)” [Morawiecki: We want to utilize the potential of the Baltic Sea in trade with China], Polish Press Agency, 23 November 2017.Manołowa, E. “Na szczycie "16+1" Chiny zapewniły o otwartości swego rynku” [At the "16 +1" summit, China 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