Publications-Theses
Article View/Open
Publication Export
-
題名 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務—英、德、法之新戰略動態
Post-Brexit EU Common Defence — New Strategic Dynamics among the UK, Germany and France作者 洪聖彥
Hong, Sheng-Yan貢獻者 蘇卓馨
Su, Cho-Hsin
洪聖彥
Hong, Sheng-Yan關鍵詞 歐盟防衛
英國脫歐
歐盟戰略指南
德-法軸心
EU defence
Brexit
EU Strategic Compass
Franco-German axis日期 2022 上傳時間 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) 摘要 2016年以來一連串的國際環境動盪使得歐盟面臨諸多安全挑戰，除了俄羅斯近年愈趨獨斷的行為、美國總統川普上台後受損的跨大西洋關係之外，英國脫歐公投也無疑為歐盟帶來一記沉重的打擊，特別是歐盟共同防務的未來發展，不僅關乎歐洲整體安全，也考驗歐盟整合能否拓展至高階政治層面，使其於國際舞台上扮演更具影響力的角色。\n有鑑於此，本研究嘗試運用多層次治理作為分析框架。一方面超國家層次雖囿於防衛政策的高度政府間主義而使得影響有限，但透過歐盟執委會、《歐盟戰略指南》的內涵，仍可以觀察歐盟藉由構築歐盟防衛科技與工業基礎（European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, EDTIB）以及共同戰略文化，期望透過整合防衛能力與激勵成員國意願，彌補歐盟因英國離開而造成的巨大防衛實力空缺，同時也把握英國脫歐給予歐盟防衛整合深化的機遇之窗。另一方面，政府間層次聚焦歐洲重要的三大軍事力量－英國、德國和法國於2016年後的戰略動態，包括英國由全球化英國（Global Britain）展示的戰略野心、德國因國際責任上升顯現的戰略轉變以及法國藉歐盟政治重心推崇的戰略自主，這些戰略動向除了體現於他們各具合作與分歧的雙邊防衛關係，也在俄烏戰爭的檢視中得到進一步的印證，因而更具指標性地反映出歐盟共同防務的未來發展。儘管英國脫歐公投至今英－歐防衛關係顯得不甚熱絡，但針對歐洲安全合作仍對雙方具有共同利益；以及，德－法軸心對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策（Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP）的領導，雖然兩國展現出政治合作默契，但戰略願景的根本性分歧與戰略自主的認知差異仍將是未來德、法，乃至於歐盟全體發展歐盟共同防務所需面臨的考驗。
EU has been faced with security challenges since 2016 due to a series of changes and unrest in the international environment, including Russia’s growing assertiveness in recent years, shaky transatlantic alliance after President Trump’s inauguration, and the Brexit referendum, which undoubtedly struck EU a heavy blow, especially to the future EU CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy), or more broladly, EU Common Defence. This topic not only concerns the overall security in Europe but also observes the spillover effect of defence integration towards high politics, where it grants EU an even more influential role on the international stage.\nIn view of the importance of EU common defence, this thesis employs multilevel governance as the main approach. On the one hand, the supranational level, though confined because the defence policy competence tends to be highly intergovernmental, the European Commission and Strategic Compass manages to build EDTIB (European Defence Technological and Industrial Base) and construct a common strategic culture among the member states in order to integrate defence capabilities and encourage member states to develop common defence for EU in post-Brexit era. On the other hand, the intergovernmental level focuses on the new strategic dynamics of the UK, Germany and France, the major military powers in Europe. Ranging from the UK’s strategic ambition from “Global Britain,” Germany’s strategic shift due to the rising international responsibility to France’s strategic autonomy out of building its political centre in the Union, they are not only embodied in their bilateral defence relations after Brexit but also reflected in their responses towards Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Accordingly, this study argues that UK-EU defence relations has been not at all close or optimistic ever since the 2016 Brexit referendum, but cooperation in terms of European security stills brings both sides the mutual interest. Besides, although the political leadership of Franco-German axis is self-evident, the divergences of the strategic visions as well as the different recognition of Strategic Autonomy between the two, or even the EU as a whole, remain unsolved for the EU common defence.參考文獻 壹、 中文部分\n一、專書\n吳萬寶(2003)。邁向歐盟建軍之路 ：歐盟共同歐洲安全暨防衛政策 / 吳萬寶作。臺北縣：韋伯文化國際出版公司。\n張迎紅(2011)。歐盟共同安全與防務政策研究 (一版)。北京市：時事。\n陳麗娟(2013)。里斯本條約後歐洲聯盟新面貌 / 陳麗娟著 (二版)。臺北市：五南。\n二、期刊論文\n王振亞(2001)。「法德軍事關係與歐盟共同安全政策」。武漢大學學報(社會科學版)，54(2)，192-196。doi:10.3969/j.issn.1672-7320.2001.02.009\n王冀平(2006)。「由法國視角評析戰後初期的法德安全關係」。國際關係學院學報，2006(1)，23-27。Guo ji guan xi xue yuan xue bao = Journal of the Institute of International Relations, doi:10.3969/j.issn.1004-3489.2006.01.006\n甘逸驊(2006)。「歐洲安全與防衛政策的軍事層面：歐盟的全球戰略地位」。問題與研究，45(5)。 doi:10.30390/ISC.200609_45(5).0005\n甘逸驊(2016)。「里斯本條約架構下的歐盟安全政策合作之嘗試」。東吳政治學報，34(2)，61-107。\n朱耿華(2016)。「英國“脫歐”後歐盟共同安全與防務政策走向分析」。現代軍事，(12)，72-74。\n吳萬寶(2015)。「歐盟高峰會與共同安全暨防衛政策」。全球政治評論，(50)，25-47。\n陳蔚芳(2020)。「德國與歐盟共同防務整合：自由政府間主義的分析」。政治科學論叢，(85)，45-90。doi:10.6166/TJPS.202009_(85).0002\n\n貳、 英文部分\n一、官方文件\nAyrault J. & Steinmeier F. (2016). A strong Europe in a world of uncertainties.\nRetrieved October 12, 2022 from https://static.presspublica.pl/red/rp/pdf/DokumentUE.pdf\nEEAS (European Union External Action Service). (2016). High Representative\nMogherini presents EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy. Retrieved from EEAS website: https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/7337/high-representative-mogherini-presents-eu-global-strategy-foreign-and-security-policy_en\nEEAS. (2022a). A Strategic Compass for the EU. Retrieved from EEAS websit\ne: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/strategic-compass-security-and-defence-1_en\nEEAS. (2022d). EU Missions and Operations. Retrieved from EEAS website: h\nttps://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/EU-mission-and-operation_2022.pdf\nEuropean Commission. (2019). Political declaration setting out the framework for the\nfuture relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:12019W/DCL(01)&from=EN\nEuropean Council. (2022). The Versailles declaration, 10 and 11 March 2022.\nRetrieved from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/03/11/the-versailles-declaration-10-11-03-2022/\nGerman Federal Government. (2006). White Paper 2006 on German Security P\nolicy and the Future of the Bundeswehr. Retrieved from https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/156941/Germany%202006%20white%20paper.pdf\nGerman Federal Government. (2016). White Paper 2016 on German Security P\nolicy and the Future of the Bundeswehr. Retrieved from https://issat.dcaf.ch/download/111704/2027268/2016%20White%20Paper.pdf\nGeneral Secretariat of the Council. (2003). European Security Strategy A secure\nEurope in a better world. Retrieved from https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/d0928657-af99-4552-ae84-1cbaaa864f96/\nHM Government. (2010). The strategic defence and security review: securing B\nritain in an age of uncertainty. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-strategic-defence-and-security-review-securing-britain-in-an-age-of-uncertainty\nHM Government. (2015). National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and\nSecurity Review 2015. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-security-strategy-and-strategic-defence-and-security-review-2015\nHM Government. (2018a). 2018 United Kingdom-France Summit Communique.\nRetrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-france-summit-2018-documents\nHM Government. (2021). The Integrated Review 2021. Retrieved from Govern\nment of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/the-integrated-review-2021\nUK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office. (2021). UK-Germany joint\ndeclaration, June 2021. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-germany-joint-declaration-june-2021/uk-germany-joint-declaration-june-2021\nUK Ministry of Defence & Ministère des Armées. (2018a). UK and France: o\nur shared history. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-and-france-defence-cooperation\nUK Ministry of Defence & Ministère des Armées. (2018b). UK and France:\nMilitary Cooperation. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-and-france-defence-cooperation\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2021). Defence in a competitive age. Retrieved from\nGovernment of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/defence-in-a-competitive-age\n二、專書\nBaun, M. J., & Marek, D. (2014). Cohesion policy in the European Union / Michael\nBaun and Dan Marek. New York, NY: Palgrave.\nBiscop, S., & Algieri, F. (2008). The Lisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and\nIntegration. Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nCahen, A. (1989). The Western European Union and NATO : building a European\ndefence identity within the context of Atlantic solidarity. London ;: Brassey`s UK.\nChappell, L. (2012). Germany, Poland and the Common Security and Defence Policy:\nConverging Security and Defence Perspectives in an Enlarged EU. London: Palgrave Macmillan.\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019a). The French-German Military Cooperation and the\nRevival of European Defence After Brexit: Between Reality and Political Myth. In Baciu, C. A., & Doyle, J. (Eds.), Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe (pp. 53-77). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nDuke, S. (2011). The EU, NATO and the Treaty of Lisbon: Still Divided Within a\nCommon City. In Cardwell (ed.), EU external relations law and policy in the post-Lisbon era (pp. 335-355). The Hague, The Netherlands: T. M. C. Asser Press.\nDuke, S. (2018). Will Brexit Damage Our Security and Defence?: The Impact on the\nUK and EU. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nDyson, T., & Konstadinides, T. (2013). European defence cooperation in EU law and\nIR theory. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.\nEnderlein, H., Wälti, S., & Zürn, M. (2010). Handbook on multi-level governance /\nedited by Henrik Enderlein, Sonja Wälti and Michael Zürn. Edward Elgar.\nFaleg, G. (2016). The EU`s Common Security and Defence Policy: Learning\nCommunities in International Organizations. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nFaure, S. B. H. (2018). Franco-British Defence Co-operation in the Context of Brexit.\nIn Johnson, & Matlary, J. H. (Eds.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit: Britain’s Alliances, Coalitions, and Partnerships (pp. 103-125). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nFursdon, E. (1980). The European Defence Community : a history / Edward Fursdon.\nLondon: Macmillan.\nGinsberg, & Penksa, S. (2012). The European Union in Global Security: The Politics\nof Impact. Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nGordon, P. H. (1992). French security policy after the Cold War: Continuity, change,\nand implications for the United States. RAND ARROYO CENTER SANTA MONICA CA.\nHampton, M. N. (2013). Oasis or Mirage? EU European Security and Strategic\nCulture. In Hampton, M. N. (Ed.), A thorn in transatlantic relations American and European perceptions of threat and security (pp. 51-83). Palgrave Macmillan, New York.\nHooghe, L., Marks, G., & Schakel, A. (2014). Multilevel governance and the state.\nOxford Handbook on the Transformation of the State. Oxford: Oxford University Press.\nHougardy, P. (2008). Permanent Structured Cooperation. In Biscop, S., & Algieri, F.\n(Eds.), The Lisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and\nIntegration (pp. 15–18). Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nHoworth, J., & Keeler, J. T. S. (2003). Defending Europe: the EU, NATO, and the\nquest for European autonomy / edited by Jolyon Howorth and John T.S. Keeler (1st ed.). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.\nHoworth, J. (2014). Security and defence policy in the European Union., (Second\nedition. ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.\nHyde-Price, A. (2018). The Common Security and Defence Policy. In Meijer H. &\nWyss M. (Eds.), The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces (pp. 394-406). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0023\nIñiguez de Heredia, M. (2019). Military Capacity Building as EU’s New Security and\nDevelopment Strategy: The New Rules for Peace Promotion? In Johansson-Nogués, Vlaskamp, M. C., & Barbé, E. (Eds.), European Union Contested: Foreign Policy in a New Global Context (pp. 173-189). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nJiménez-Ugarte, J. (2019). From the European Defence Community to Permanent\nStructured Cooperation. In Ramirez, & Biziewski, J. (Eds.), Security and defence in Europe (pp. 77-86). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nKasper, A., & Mölder, H. (2020). The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy in\nFacing New Security Challenges and Its Impact on Cyber Defence. In Ramiro Troitino, Kerikmae, T., de la Guardia, R. M., & Perez Sanchez, G. A. (Eds.) The EU in the 21st Century (pp. 271-294). Springer, Cham.\nKoppa, M. (2022). The Evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy:\nCritical Junctures and the Quest for EU Strategic Autonomy. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nLarivé, M. H. A. (2014). Debating European security and defense policy :\nunderstanding the complexity. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate.\nMalici, A. (2008). Political Leadership and Security Integration. In Malici. (Ed.), The\nSearch for a Common European Foreign and Security Policy: Leaders, Cognitions, and Questions of Institutional Viability (pp. 3-16). New York: Palgrave Macmillan US.\nMartin, C. (2012). Free-Riding? The Cost of Defence: The United Kingdom, France\nand the United States of America. In Connelly, & Hayward, J. E. S. (Eds.), The Withering of the Welfare State (pp. 193-207). Palgrave Macmillan, London.\nMatlary, J. (2009). European Union Security Dynamics: In the New National Interest.\nLondon: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMazzucelli, C. (2012). The Treaty of Maastricht: Designing the European Union. In\nLaursen, F. (ed.), Designing the European Union: from Paris to Lisbon (pp. 147-179). London: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMérand. (2012). Bricolage: A Sociological Approach to the Making of CSDP. In\nKurowska, & Breuer, F. (Eds.), Explaining the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (pp. 136–161). Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMerlingen, M. (2012). EU security policy: what it is, how it works, why it matters.\nBoulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers.\nMölder, H. (2018). British Approach to the European Union: From Tony Blair to\nDavid Cameron. In Troitino, Kerikmae, T., & Chochia, A. (Eds.), Brexit (pp. 153-173). Springer, Cham.\nOchman, J. (2019). Untangling the Separate Concepts of Security and Defence in the\nContext of Brexit. In J. Martin Ramirez, Jerzy Biziewski (Eds.), Security and defence in Europe (pp. 97-106). Cham: Springer International Publishing\nRomano, A. (2009). From détente in Europe to European détente: how the West\nshaped the Helsinki CSCE. Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang.\nSaxi, H. L. (2018). British-German Defence and Security Relations After Brexit: Quo\nVadis, ‘Silent Alliance’? In Johnson, & Matlary, J. H. (Eds.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit: Britain’s Alliances, Coalitions, and Partnerships (pp. 127-158). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nStrickmann E. (2008). Conference Report. In Biscop, S., & Algieri, F. (Eds.), The\nLisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and Integration (pp. 43–53). Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nSvendsen, Ø. (2021). The Security and Defense Aspect of Brexit: Altering the Third\nCountry Balance?. In Riddervold, Trondal, J., & Newsome, A. (Eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises (pp. 525-543). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.\nTudoroiu, T. (2018). Europe’s Great Powers and Small States. In Tudoroiu. (Ed.),\nBrexit, President Trump, and the changing geopolitics of Eastern Europe (pp. 183-215). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nTurpin, L. D. (2019). UK-EU Military Cooperation and Brexit from a Neoclassical\nRealist Perspective: No Big Deal? In Baciu, & Doyle, J. (Eds.), Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe: Risks and Opportunities (pp. 3-27). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nVicente, A. (2019). European Nuclear Deterrence and Security Cooperation: Post-\nBrexit Relations and Challenges. In Baciu, & Doyle, J. (Eds.) Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe (pp. 163-190). Springer, Cham.\nVoskopoulos, G. (2020). European Union Security and Defence: Policies, Operations\nand Transatlantic Challenges. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nWaltz, K. (1979). Theory of international politics / Kenneth N. Waltz.\nAddison-Wesley Pub. Co.\nWeiss, M. (2011). Transaction Costs and Security Institutions: Unravelling the ESDP.\nLondon: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nWright, N. (2018). The EU`s Common Foreign and Security Policy in Germany and\nthe UK: Co-Operation, Co-Optation and Competition. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nZyla, B. (2020). The End of European Security Institutions?: The EU`s Common\nForeign and Security Policy and NATO after Brexit. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\n三、 期刊論文\nAllin, D. H., & Jones, E. (2022). Sleepwalking to Solidarity? Russia, Ukraine and the\nEuropean Dream. Survival, 64(3), 213-222. doi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2078059\nBarnes, J., & Makinda, S. M. (2022). Testing the limits of international society? Trust,\nAUKUS and Indo-Pacific security. International affairs, 98(4), 1307-1325. doi:10.1093/ia/iiac111\nBassiri Tabrizi, A. (2018). Informal Groups of States: A Growing Role in EU Foreign\nPolicy After Brexit? The RUSI journal, 163(4), 62-70. doi:10.1080/03071847.2018.1522046\nBaun, M., & Marek, D. (2019). Making Europe Defend Again: The Relaunch of\nEuropean Defense Cooperation from a Neoclassical Realist Perspective. Mezinárodní vztahy, 54(4), 27-46.\nBellais, R. (2021). MBDA`s Industrial Model and European Defence. Defence and\npeace economics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), 1-18. doi:10.1080/10242694.2021.1926176\nBéraud-Sudreau, L. (2019). Building Franco-German Consensus on Arms Exports.\nSurvival, 61(4), 79-98. doi:10.1080/00396338.2019.1637124\nBerenskoetter, F., & Giegerich, B. (2010). From NATO to ESDP: A Social\nConstructivist Analysis of German Strategic Adjustment after the End of the Cold War. Security studies, 19(3), 407-452. doi:10.1080/09636412.2010.505128\nBiava, A., Drent, M., & Herd, G. P. (2011). Characterizing the European Union`s\nStrategic Culture: An Analytical Framework. Journal of common market studies, 49(6), 1227-1248. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02195.x\nBiermann, F., & Weiss, M. (2021). Power without a cause? Germany`s conflict\navoidance and the integration of European defence procurement. Journal of European Integration, 43(2), 227-242. doi:10.1080/07036337.2021.1877691\nBiscop, S. (2012). The UK and European defence: leading or leaving? International\naffairs (London), 88(6), 1297-1313. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01133.x\nBiscop, S. (2016). All or nothing? The EU Global Strategy and defence policy after\nthe Brexit. Contemporary Security Policy, 37(3), 431–445. https://doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2016.1238120\nBueger, C., Edmunds, T., & Edwards, S. (2021). Innovation and New Strategic\nChoices: Refreshing the UK`s National Strategy for Maritime Security. The RUSI journal, 166(4), 66-75. doi:10.1080/03071847.2021.1981777\nBunde, T. (2021). Defending European integration by (symbolically) integrating\nEuropean defence? Germany and its ambivalent role in European security and defence policy. Journal of European Integration: A member state like any other? Germany and the European integration of core state powers, 43(2), 243-259. doi:10.1080/07036337.2021.1877693\nCalcara, A. (2017). State-defence industry relations in the European context: French\nand UK interactions with the European Defence Agency. European security, 26(4), 527-551. doi:10.1080/09662839.2017.1384379\nCalcara, A. (2020). The hybrid role of the High Representative in the security and\ndefence field: more in 10 months than in the 10 years? European security, 29(3), 376-395. doi:10.1080/09662839.2020.1798406\nCardwell, P. J. (2017). The United Kingdom and the Common Foreign and Security\nPolicy of the EU: From Pre-Brexit ‘Awkward Partner’ to Post-Brexit ‘Future Partnership’? Croatian yearbook of European law & policy, 13(13), 1-26. doi:10.3935/cyelp.13.2017.282\nChappell, L., Exadaktylos, T., & Petrov, P. (2020). A more capable EU? Assessing the\nrole of the EU`s institutions in defence capability development. Journal of European Integration, 42(4), 583-600. doi:10.1080/07036337.2019.1666115\nCladi, L., & Locatelli, A. (2020). Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and\nCSDP after Brexit. Global policy, 11(1), 5-14. doi:10.1111/1758-5899.12747\nCoutau-Bégarie, H. (2004). One hundred years of Franco-British strategic Co-\noperation. The RUSI journal, 149(2), 46-50. doi:10.1080/03071840408522966\nde Wijk, R. (2004). The reform of ESDP and EU-NATO cooperation. The\nInternational spectator, 39(1), 71-82. doi:10.1080/03932720408457061\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2022). European defence in an interpolar context: explaining\nthe limitations of French-German contribution to European strategic autonomy. Defence studies, 22(4), 591-608. doi:10.1080/14702436.2022.2110474\nDrake, H., & Schnapper, P. (2021). ‘We thought we were friends!’: Franco-British\nbilateral diplomacy and the shock of Brexit. Journal of Contemporary European Research, 17. doi:10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1241\nDriedger, J. J. (2021). Bilateral defence and security cooperation despite\ndisintegration: Does the Brexit process divide the United Kingdom and Germany on Russia? European journal of international security, 6(1), 86-108. doi:10.1017/eis.2020.18\nDunne, T. (2004). `When the shooting starts`: Atlanticism in British security strategy.\nInternational affairs (London), 80(5), 893-909. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00424.x\nDyson, T. (2013). The Material Roots of European Strategy: Beyond Culture and\nValues. Contemporary security policy, 34(3), 419-445. doi:10.1080/13523260.2013.842296\nEwers-Peters, N. M. (2021). Brexit’s implications for EU-NATO cooperation:\nTransatlantic bridge no more? British journal of politics & international relations, 23(4), 576-592. doi:10.1177/1369148120963814\nEwers-Peters, N. M. (2022). Germany Going `Midstream`: Balancing vs Leadership in\nEU-NATO Cooperation. German politics, 31(3), 363-380. doi:10.1080/09644008.2020.1826439\nEyal, J. (2016). Brexit: The Lull Before the Storm. The RUSI journal, 161(4), 16-20.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2016.1232877\nFallon, M., Griffith, N., & Farron, T. (2017). UK General Election: Defence\nPerspectives. The RUSI journal, 162(2), 4-7. doi:10.1080/03071847.2017.1336406\nFilipec, O. (2017). (In) efficiency of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy:\nUkraine, Brexit, Trump and beyond. Slovenská politologická revue, 17(3-4), 279-298.\nFiott, D. (2015). The European Commission and the European Defence Agency: A\nCase of Rivalry?: The European Commission and the European Defence Agency. Journal of common market studies, 53(3), 542-557. doi:10.1111/jcms.12217\nGiegerich, B., & Terhalle, M. (2016). The Munich Consensus and the Purpose of\nGerman Power. Survival (London), 58(2), 155-166. doi:10.1080/00396338.2016.1161909\nGrand, C. (2013). CSDP Is There a Next Chapter. The Polish quarterly of\ninternational affairs, 22(3), 9-18.\nGstöhl, S. (2020). The EU After Brexit: A Weaker or Stronger International Actor?\nEuropean foreign affairs review, 25(Issue 4), 503-522. doi:10.54648/EERR2020036\nHåkansson, C. (2021). The European Commission`s new role in EU security and\ndefence cooperation: the case of the European Defence Fund. European security, 30(4), 589-608. doi:10.1080/09662839.2021.1906229\nHaroche, P. (2017). Interdependence, asymmetric crises, and European defence\ncooperation. European security (London, England), 26(2), 226-252. doi:10.1080/09662839.2017.1294579\nHaroche, P. (2020). Supranationalism strikes back: a neofunctionalist account of the\nEuropean Defence Fund. Journal of European public policy, 27(6), 853-872. doi:10.1080/13501763.2019.1609570\nHarries, M. (2012). Britain and France as Nuclear Partners. Survival, 54(1), 7-30.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2012.657528\nHeading For a Brexit?: Sundberg and Zetterlund - Terlikowski - Kempin and\nMawdsley. (2013). The RUSI Journal, 158(4), 19–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2013.829655\nHeidenkamp, H., & Akaltin, F. (2012). Confronting the European Defence Crisis: The\nCommon European Army in Germany`s Political Debate. The RUSI journal, 157(2), 18-25. doi:10.1080/03071847.2012.681598\nHeisbourg, F. (2016). Brexit and European Security. Survival (London), 58(3), 13-22.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2016.1186973\nHenke, M., & Maher, R. (2021). The populist challenge to European defense. Journal\nof European public policy, 28(3), 389-406. doi:10.1080/13501763.2021.1881587\nHeuser, B. (2017). Britain and the Origins and Future of the European Defence and\nSecurity Mechanism. The RUSI journal, 162(2), 16-23.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2017.1335557\nHill, C. (2016). Powers of a kind: the anomalous position of France and the United\nKingdom in world politics. International affairs, 92(2), 393-414. doi:10.1111/1468-2346.12556\nHix, S. (2018). Brexit: Where is the EU–UK Relationship Heading? Journal of\ncommon market studies, 56(S1), 11-27. doi:10.1111/jcms.12766\nHofmann, S. C., & Mérand, F. (2020). In Search of Lost Time: Memory‐framing,\nBilateral Identity‐making, and European Security. Journal of common market studies, 58(1), 155-171. doi:10.1111/jcms.12976\nHoworth, J. (2002). The CESDP and the forging of a European security culture.\nPolitique européenne, 8(4), 88-109.\nHoworth, J. (2003). France, Britain and the Euro-Atlantic Crisis. Survival, 45(4), 173-\n192. doi:10.1080/00396338.2003.9687570\nHoworth, J. (2005). The Euro-Atlantic Security Dilemma: France, Britain, and the\nESDP. Journal of transatlantic studies, 3(1), 39-54. doi:10.1080/14794010508656816\nHoworth, J. (2017a). European defence policy between dependence and autonomy: A\nchallenge of Sisyphean dimensions. British journal of politics & international relations, 19(1), 13-28. doi:10.1177/1369148116685296\nHoworth, J. (2017b). EU Defence Cooperation after Brexit: What Role for the UK in\nthe Future EU Defence Arrangements? European view, 16(2), 191-200. doi:10.1007/s12290-017-0455-5\nHoworth, J., & Menon, A. (2009). Still Not Pushing Back: Why the European Union\nIs Not Balancing the United States. The Journal of conflict resolution, 53(5), 727-744. doi:10.1177/0022002709339362\nHoworth, J. (2019). Differentiation in security and defence policy. Comparative\nEuropean politics (Houndmills, Basingstoke, England), 17(2), 261-277. doi:10.1057/s41295-019-00161-w\nHuntley, M. D. (2022). European defence policy at a crossroads - Germany preserving\nthe status quo and France seeking change? European politics and society, 23(2), 173-188. doi:10.1080/23745118.2020.1855710\nHyde-Price, A. (2004). European Security, Strategic Culture, and the Use of Force.\nEuropean security (London, England), 13(4), 323-343. doi:10.1080/09662830490499993\nKempin, R., & Mawdsley, J. (2013). The UK, the EU and European Security: A\nGerman Perspective. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 32-36. doi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826496\nKleczka, M. (2020). Between Europeanisation and domestic favouritism: recent\nprogresses of defence-industrial restructuring in Germany. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 455-457. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857918\nKnezović, S., & Lopes M. E. (2020). The European army concept - an end-goal or a\nwake-up call for European security and defence? Eastern journal of European studies, 11(2), 334-352.\nKnutsen, B. O. (2022). A Weakening Transatlantic Relationship? Redefining the EU–\nUS Security and Defence Cooperation. Politics and governance, 10(2), 165-175. doi:10.17645/pag.v10i2.5024\nKrauss, E. S., & Maull, H. W. (2020). Germany, Japan and the Fate of International\nOrder. Survival (London), 62(3), 159-178. doi:10.1080/00396338.2020.1763619\nKrotz, U., & Schild, J. (2018). Back to the future? Franco-German bilateralism in\nEurope`s post-Brexit union. Journal of European public policy, 25(8), 1174-1193. doi:10.1080/13501763.2018.1467951\nKunz, B. (2020). Switching Umbrellas in Berlin? The Implications of Franco-German\nNuclear Cooperation. The Washington quarterly, 43(3), 63-77. doi:10.1080/0163660X.2020.1814007\nKüsters, C. (2018). Why is there no Joint European Remotely Piloted Aircraft System\nProject under the Common Security and Defence Policy? The RUSI journal, 163(2), 52-65. doi:10.1080/03071847.2018.1475625\nLarrabee, F. S. (2004). ESDP and NATO: Assuring complementarity. The\nInternational spectator, 39(1), 51-70. doi:10.1080/03932720408457060\nLazar, Z. (2020). Debate opener: where is the European defence industry heading?\nEuropean defence industrial cooperation is at crossroads. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 449-449. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857912\nLindley-French, J. (2002). In the shade of Locarno? Why European defence is failing.\nInternational affairs (London), 78(4), 789-811. doi:10.1111/1468-2346.00280\nLindley-French, J. (2013). Britain and the Future of Europe’s Defence. Strategie und\nSicherheit, 2013(1), 167-180. doi:10.7767/sus-2013-0116\nLlewellyn, E., & Colonna, C. (2020). Points of View on Franco-British Defence\nRelations. Revue Defense Nationale, (9), 87-97.\nLonghurst, K., & Miskimmon, A. (2007). Same Challenges, Diverging Responses:\nGermany, the UK and European Security. German politics, 16(1), 79-94. doi:10.1080/09644000601157442\nMartill, B., & Sus, M. (2018). Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO,\nCSDP+, or ‘French connection’? British journal of politics & international relations, 20(4), 846-863. doi:10.1177/1369148118796979\nMartill, B., & Sus, M. (2019). Great expectations: the Brexit moment in EU security\nand defence and the return of the capabilities–expectations gap. Europe and the world, 3, 1-17.\nMawdsley, J. (2020). The impact of Brexit on European defence industry. Defense &\nsecurity analysis, 36(4), 460-462. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857920\nMazzucelli, C. (2013). Changing Partners at Fifty? French Security Policy after Libya\nin Light of the Élysée Treaty. German politics and society, 31(1), 116-137. doi:10.3167/gps.2013.310107\nMenon, A. (1995). From Independence to Cooperation: France, NATO and European\nSecurity. International affairs (London), 71(1), 19-34. doi:10.2307/2624008\nMenon, A. (2011a). Power, Institutions and the CSDP: The Promise of Institutionalist\nTheory: POWER, INSTITUTIONS AND THE CSDP. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 83-100. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02130.x\nMenon, A. (2011b). European Defence Policy from Lisbon to Libya. Survival\n(London), 53(3), 75-90. doi:10.1080/00396338.2011.586191\nMérand, F., Hofmann, S. C., & Irondelle, B. (2011). Governance and State Power: A\nNetwork Analysis of European Security: GOVERNANCE AND STATE POWER. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 121-147. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02132.x\nMeyer, C. O., & Strickmann, E. V. A. (2011). Solidifying Constructivism: How\nMaterial and Ideational Factors Interact in European Defence. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 61-81. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02129.x\nMiskimmon, A. (2004). Continuity in the Face of Upheaval-British Strategic Culture\nand the Impact of the Blair Government. European security (London, England), 13(3), 273-299. doi:10.1080/09662830490499975\nMuravska, J. (2020). How can the European Commission help Europe`s defence\nindustry? By making the most out of what it is already doing. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 450-452. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857913\nNováky, N. (2019). EU it yourself: A blueprint for a European Security Council.\nEuropean view, 18(2), 260-262.\nPannier, A. (2013). Understanding the workings of interstate cooperation in defence:\nan exploration into Franco-British cooperation after the signing of the Lancaster House Treaty. European security, 22(4), 540-558. doi:10.1080/09662839.2013.833908\nPannier, A. (2016). The Anglo-French defence partnership after the “Brexit” vote:\nnew incentives and new dilemmas. The Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 2(5), 481 - 490. doi:10.1080/23340460.2017.1284566\nPannier, A. (2017). From one exceptionalism to another: France`s strategic relations\nwith the United States and the United Kingdom in the post-Cold War era. Journal of strategic studies, 40(4), 475-504. doi:10.1080/01402390.2016.1230546\nPannier, A., & Schmitt, O. (2014). Institutionalised cooperation and policy\nconvergence in European defence: lessons from the relations between France, Germany and the UK. European security, 23(3), 270-289. doi:10.1080/09662839.2014.884073\nPeters, I. (2004). ESDP as a Transatlantic Issue: Problems of Mutual Ambiguity.\nInternational Studies Review, 6(3), 381-402. doi:10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.00422.x\nPosen, B. R. (2004). ESDP and the structure of world power. The International\nspectator, 39(1), 5-17. doi:10.1080/03932720408457057\nRatti, L. (2014). Stepping up to reintegration: French security policy between\ntransatlantic and European defence during and after the Cold War. Journal of transatlantic studies, 12(4), 367-378. doi:10.1080/14794012.2014.962784\nRees, W. (2017). America, Brexit and the security of Europe. British journal of\npolitics & international relations, 19(3), 558-572. doi:10.1177/1369148117711400\nRieker, P. (2006). From common defence to comprehensive security: Towards the\nEuropeanization of French foreign and security policy?. Security Dialogue, 37(4), 509-528.\nRynning, S. (2011). Realism and the Common Security and Defence Policy. Journal\nof common market studies, 49(1), 23-42. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02127.x\nSchild, J. (2010). Mission Impossible? The Potential for Franco-German Leadership\nin the Enlarged EU. Journal of Common Market Studies, 48(5), 1367-1390. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02117.x\nSchild, J. (2013). Leadership in hard times: Germany, France, and the management of\nthe Eurozone crisis. German Politics and Society, 31(1), 24-47. doi:10.3167/gps.2013.310103\nSchmidt, P., & Zyla, B. (2011). European Security Policy: Strategic Culture in\nOperation? Contemporary security policy, 32(3), 484-493. doi:10.1080/13523260.2011.626329\nSchmitt, O. (2017). The Reluctant Atlanticist: France`s Security and Defence Policy in\na Transatlantic Context. Journal of strategic studies, 40(4), 463-474. doi:10.1080/01402390.2016.1220367\nSchreer, B. (2019). Trump, NATO and the Future of Europe`s Defence. The RUSI\njournal, 164(1), 10-17. doi:10.1080/03071847.2019.1605011\nShaffer, T. (2017). Hard Brexit on defence: how the UK can lead Europe in global\nsecurity. The journal of intelligence history, 16(2), 76-78. doi:10.1080/16161262.2017.1335978\nSimón, L. (2013a). The Spider in Europe`s Web? French Grand Strategy From Iraq to\nLibya. Geopolitics, 18(2), 403-434. doi:10.1080/14650045.2012.698336\nSimón, L. (2013b). Setting the Tone: The 2013 French White Paper and the Future of\nEuropean Defence. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 38-44.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826502\nSimón, L. (2017). Neorealism, Security Cooperation, and Europe`s Relative Gains\nDilemma. Security studies, 26(2), 185-212. doi:10.1080/09636412.2017.1280297\nSimpson, J. (2004). France, the United Kingdom and deterrence in the twenty-first\ncentury. Contemporary security policy, 25(1), 136-151.\ndoi:10.1080/1352326042000290551\nSmajić, M., & Kadić, V. (2020). Brexit and the “New” Transatlantic Relations:\nPotential Reflections on the Strategic Re-Positioning and Development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. Politické vedy, 23(2), 200-218. doi:10.24040/politickevedy.2020.23.2.200-218\nStaunton, E. (2022). A Useful Failure: Macron`s Overture to Russia. Survival, 64(2),\n17-24. doi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2055819\nStent, A. (2022). Germany and Russia: Farewell to Ostpolitik? Survival, 64(5), 27-38.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2126194\nSundberg, A., & Zetterlund, K. (2013). Losing an Ally but not Losing Faith in the EU:\nSwedish Perspectives on a UK Departure from the Union. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 20-25. doi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826493\nSvendsen, Ø. (2019). Brexit and the future of EU defence: a practice approach to\ndifferentiated defence integration. Journal of European Integration, 41(8), 993-1007. doi:10.1080/07036337.2019.1622540\nTocci, N. (2018). Towards a European Security and Defence Union: Was 2017 a\nWatershed? Journal of common market studies, 56(S1), 131-141. doi:10.1111/jcms.12752\nTsertsvadze, I. (2017). Britain and the Common Security and Defense Policy of the\nEuropean Union. Connections. The quarterly journal (English ed.), 16(3), 73-86. doi:10.11610/Connections.16.3.05\nUrbanovská, J., Chovančík, M., & Brajerčíková, S. (2022). Minilateral Cooperation in\nthe EU`s Post-Brexit Common Security and Defence Policy: Germany and the Visegrád Countries. Europe-Asia studies, 74(3), 402-425. doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2037520\nUrbanovská, J., Chovančík, M., & Brusenbauch Meislová, M. (2022). German-UK\ndefence cooperation amid Brexit: prospects for new bilateralism? European security, 31(1), 39-57. doi:10.1080/09662839.2021.1948402\nVan Herpen, M. H. (2004). Chirac`s Gaullism-Why France Has Become the Driving\nForce behind the Effort to Build an Autonomous European Defence. Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 4(1), 67-2.\nWatanabe, L. (2005). The ESDP: Between Estrangement and a New Partnership in\nTransatlantic Security Relations. Journal of contemporary European studies, 13(1), 5-20. doi:10.1080/14782800500060999\nWessel, R. A. (2003). The State of Affairs in EU Security and Defence Policy: The\nBreakthrough in the Treaty of Nice. Journal of conflict & security law, 8(2), 265-288. doi:10.1093/jcsl/8.2.265\nWhitman, R. G. (2016). Epilogue: European security and defence in the shadow of\nBrexit. Global Affairs, 2(5), 521-525. doi:10.1080/23340460.2017.1300066\nZapfe, M. (2017). Deterrence from the Ground Up: Understanding NATO`s Enhanced\nForward Presence. Survival, 59(3), 147-160. doi:10.1080/00396338.2017.1325604\n四、報告\nAntezza, A., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., Kumar, B., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (2022a). The Ukraine Support Tracker: Which Countries Help Ukraine and How? (No. 2218 June 2022). Retrieved from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/fileadmin/Dateiverwaltung/IfW-Publications/-ifw/Kiel_Working_Paper/2022/KWP_2218_Which_countries_help_Ukraine_and_how_/KWP_2218_Version4_V4.pdf\nAntezza, A., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., Kumar, B., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (2022b). The Ukraine Support Tracker: Which Countries Help Ukraine and How? (No. 2218 June 2022). Retrieved from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/fileadmin/Dateiverwaltung/IfW-Publications/-ifw/Kiel_Working_Paper/2022/KWP_2218_Which_countries_help_Ukraine_and_how_/KWP_2218_Version5.pdf\nBillon-Galland, A., & Thomson, A. (2018). European Strategic Autonomy\nStop Talking, Start Planning. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep22125\nBlockmans, S., Macchiarini Crosson, D., & Paikin, Z. (2022). The EU`s Strategic\nCompass: A Guide to Reverse Strategic Shrinkage?. Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4136255\nBrattberg, E., & Valášek, T. (2019). European Strategic Autonomy and Its Politics.\nRetrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep20973.7\nCharillon, F., Dembinski, M., Deschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume, Ehrhart, H.-\nG., Hoeffler, C., Hofmann, S. C., . . . Schmitt, O. (2017). France, Germany, and the Quest for European Strategic Autonomy: Franco-German Defence Cooperation in A New Era. Policy paper collectif. Study Committee on French-German Relations (Cerfa). Retrieved from https://hal.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/hal-01843554\nCoelmont, J. (2020). Will a European Security Council bring strategic relevance?\nEgmont Security Policy Brief No. 124 March 2020.\nGotkowska, J. (2020). OSW Commentary - European strategic\nautonomy or European pillar in NATO? Germany’s stance on French initiatives. Retrieved from https://policycommons.net/artifacts/2113494/osw-commentary/\nKaim, M., & Kempin, R. (2019). A European Security Council: Added value for EU\nforeign and security policy? (No. 2/2019). SWP Comment.\nKamasa, J. (2021). Franco-German-British Security Cooperation After Brexit. In\nStrategic Trends 2021: Key Developments in Global Affairs (pp. 37-52): Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich.\nKeohane, D. (2017). Three’s company? France, Germany, the UK and European\ndefence post-Brexit. Elcano Royal Institute, ARI, 1, 2017-5.\nKoenig, N., & Walter-Franke, M. (2017). France and Germany: Spearheading a\nEuropean Security and Defense Union? : Jacques Delors Institut. Retrieved from https://institutdelors.eu/en/publications/france-and-germany-spearheading-a-european-security-and-defence-union/\nKoenig, N. (2019). Revamping CSDP Partnerships in the Shadow of Brexit.\nFoundation for European Progressive Studies. Retrieved from https://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/eugs_watch_9.pdf\nKunz, B. (2019). Why Franco-German leadership on European defense is not in sight.\nRetrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep19869\nMajor, C., & Von Ondarza, N. (2018). No “Global Britain” after Brexit. SWP\nComment, 24. Retrieved from https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publication/no-\nglobal-britain-after-brexit\nPerot, E. (2019). The Aachen Mutual Defence Clause: A Closer Look at the Franco-\nGerman Treaty. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep21385\nScazzieri, L. (2019). Towards a European Security Council. Centre for European\nreform.\nTassinari, F., & Tetzlaff, S. (2018). European security post Merkel: Denmark should\nurge Franco-German coordination on EU defence. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep21350.\n五、報紙\nErlanger, S. (2019). NATO Differences Stoke A Franco-German Feud: Foreign Desk.\nThe New York times.\n六、網路資源\n(一) 官方\nCouncil of the EU. (2021, March 22). A Strategic Compass for a stronger EU security\nand defence in the next decade. Retrieved October 25, 2022 from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/03/21/a-strategic-compass-for-a-stronger-eu-security-and-defence-in-the-next-decade/#:~:text=Today%20the%20Council%20has%20formally,and%20defence%20policy%20by%202030\nCouncil of the EU. (2022b, May 24). EU support to Ukraine: Council agrees on\nfurther increase of support under the European Peace Facility. Retrieved October 27, 2022 from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/05/24/eu-support-to-ukraine-council-agrees-on-further-increase-of-support-under-the-european-peace-facility/\nCouncil of the EU. (n.d.). EU response to Russia`s invasion of Ukraine. Retrieved\nOctober 27, 2022, from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/eu-response-ukraine-invasion/\nEDA (European Defence Agency). (2022). European Defence Fund. Retrieved\nOctober 27, 2022 from https://eda.europa.eu/what-we-do/EU-defence-initiatives/european-defence-fund-(edf)\nEEAS. (2021, August 12). CSDP structure, instruments and agencies. Retrieved July\n19, 2022 from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/csdp-structure-instruments-and-agencies_en#9942\nEEAS. (2022b, March 21). Questions and answers: a background for the Strategic\nCompass. Retrieved October 26 2022 from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/questions-and-answers-background-strategic-compass_en\nEEAS. (2022c, March 22). Questions & Answers: The European Peace Facility.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/questions-answers-european-peace-facility_en\nEEAS. (n.d.). The Common Security and Defence Policy. Retrieved July 25, 2022,\nfrom https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/common-security-and-defence-policy_en\nElectoral Commission. (2019, September 25). Results and turnout at the EU\nreferendum. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/who-we-are-and-what-we-do/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/eu-referendum/results-and-turnout-eu-referendum\nEuropean Commission. (2020, January 24). Questions and Answers on the United\nKingdom`s withdrawal from the European Union on 31 January 2020. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/qanda_20_104\nEuropean Commission. (2022, February 15). Commission unveils significant actions\nto contribute to European Defence, boost innovation and address strategic dependencies. Retrieved October 26, 2022, from https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_22_924\nEuropean Commission. (n.d.). EU Solidarity with Ukraine. Retrieved December 26,\n2022, from https://eu-solidarity-ukraine.ec.europa.eu/index_en\nGerman Federal Government. (2021a, February 5). Germany and France for European\nsovereignty. Retrieved October 10, 2022, from https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-en/news/franco-german-defence-council-1851544\nGerman Ministry of Defence. (2020, January 16). Kramp-Karrenbauer in London:\nSpeech by the Minister of Defence. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.bmvg.de/en/organisation/minister-of-defence-christine-lambrecht/akk-kramp-karrenbauer-london-speech-minister-of-defence-175342\nGerman Ministry of Defence. (2021, September 2). German-French squadron under\nconstruction in Evreux. Retrieved October 10, 2022, from https://www.bmvg.de/en/german-french-squadron-under-construction-evreux-5216624\nGerman Mission in Canada. (2022, July 7). Support of the Federal Republic of\nGermany for Ukraine. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://canada.diplo.de/ca-en/-/2541462\nHM Government. (2017, June 13). PM press conference with President of France\nEmmanuel Macron: 13 June 2017. Retrieved October 9, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-press-conference-with-president-of-france-emmanuel-macron-13-june-2017\nHM Government. (2018b, January 18). PM’s speech at the UK-France Summit: 18\nJanuary 2018. Retrieved October 9, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pms-speech-at-the-uk-france-summit-18-january-2018\nHM Government. (n.d.). Russian invasion of Ukraine: UK government response.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/russian-invasion-of-ukraine-uk-government-response\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (2019, October 2019). French-\nGerman Declaration of Toulouse (16 October 2019). Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/germany/events/article/french-german-declaration-of-toulouse-16-oct-19\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (n.d.). The International Coalition\nfor the Sahel. Retrieved from October 12, 2022, from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/africa/the-international-coalition-for-the-sahel/\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (n.d.). France’s position on the\nsituation in Ukraine. Retrieved October, 2022, from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/ukraine/situation-in-ukraine-what-is/#:~:text=War%20in%20Ukraine%3A%20France`s%20position&text=From%20the%20very%20first%20day,alongside%20Ukraine%20and%20its%20people.\nNATO. (2022, October 18). NATO`s response to Russia`s invasion of Ukraine.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_192648.htm\nThe White House. (2021, September 15). Remarks by President Biden, Prime\nMinister Morrison of Australia, and Prime Minister Johnson of the United Kingdom Announcing the Creation of AUKUS. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/09/15/remarks-by-president-biden-prime-minister-morrison-of-australia-and-prime-minister-johnson-of-the-united-kingdom-announcing-the-creation-of-aukus/\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2016, December 16). UK Strengthens Defence Partnership\nwith France. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-strengthens-defence-partnership-with-france\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2018a, September 30). UK to maintain military presence in\nGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-to-maintain-military-presence-in-germany#:~:text=Around%20185%20British%20Army%20personnel,of%20presence%20across%20the%20world\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2018b, October 5). UK deepens defence cooperation with\nGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-deepens-defence-cooperation-with-germany\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2019, February 28). RAF Brize Norton hosts inaugural UK-\nGermany Defence Ministerial Council. Retrieved from October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/raf-brize-norton-hosts-inaugural-uk-germany-defence-ministerial-council#:~:text=and%20armed%20forces-,RAF%20Brize%20Norton%20hosts%20inaugural%20UK%2DGermany%20Defence%20Ministerial%20Council,to%20countering%20nefarious%20cyber%20activity\nWorld Bank. (n.d.). Military Expenditure (% of GDP) – European Union. Retrieved\nOctober 26, 2022 from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS?locations=EU\n(二) 一般\nAboulafia, R. (2022, February 16). Why a franco-german fighter jet is a bad idea.\nRetrieved October 11, 2022, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/02/15/france-germany-fighter-jet-aviation-industry-europe-middle-east-sales/\nAmos, J. (2021, January 14). UK industry bids farewell to EU`s Galileo System.\nRetrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-55665537\nAntezza, A., Bushnell, K., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (n.d.). Ukraine support Tracker Data Set. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/publications/data-sets/ukraine-support-tracker-data-17410/\nBritain blocks proposal for permanent EU Security HQ. (2011, July 18). Retrieved\nSeptember 16, 2022, from https://www.reuters.com/article/eu-britain-defence-idAFLDE76H0RY20110718\nBusby M. (2020, February 22). British army hands back last headquarters in\nGermany. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/22/british-army-hands-back-last-headquarters-germany#:~:text=Catterick%20Barracks%20has%20been%20the,forces%20in%20Germany%20since%202013\nDavid Cameron promises in/out referendum on EU. (2013, January 23). Retrieved\nSeptember 12, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-21148282\nDW. (n.d.). France, Germany, Spain push ahead with fighter jet project. Retrieved\nOctober 11, 2022, from https://www.dw.com/en/france-germany-spain-push-ahead-with-fighter-jet-project/a-57562320\nEmmott R. & Rose M. (2019, November 8). NATO experiencing `brain death`,\nFrance`s Macron says. Retrieved from December 26, 2022 from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-germany-nato-idUSKBN1XH2KA\nEurocorps. (n.d.). History. Retrieved October 12, 2022 from\nhttps://www.eurocorps.org/about-us/history/\nFranco-British Council. (n.d.). About. Retrieved from October 11, 2022 from\nhttps://francobritish.org/en/about/\nHerszenhorn, D. (2021, December 2). Charles Michel declares 2022 ‘year of\nEuropean defense’. Retrieved October 25, 2022 from https://www.politico.eu/article/charles-michel-declares-2022-year-of-european-defense/\nLawrenson T. (2022, October 21). Russia`s war and the accelerating pace of EU\ndefence initiatives. Retrieved December 27, 2022 from https://www.iiss.org/blogs/military-balance/2022/10/russias-war-and-the-accelerating-pace-of-eu-defence-initiatives\nNATO. (n.d.). FRANCO-GERMAN BRIGADE. Retrieved October 12, 2022 from\nhttps://shape.nato.int/brilliant-jump/media-centre/fact-sheets/francogerman-brigade\nRfi. (2022, July 21). UK`s Tempest Fighter Project Soars as European rival remains in\nlimbo. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.rfi.fr/en/business-and-tech/20220721-uk-s-tempest-fighter-project-soars-as-european-rival-remains-in-limbo\nRussian spy: What happened to Sergei and Yulia Skripal? (2018, September 27).\nRetrieved September 16, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-43643025\nTania L. & Eleni L. (2021, October 7). Where will the EU`s Strategic Compass point?\nRetrieved October 25, 2022, from https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2021)698057\nTherrien, A. (2021, September 20). Aukus: France pulls out of UK defence talks amid\nrow. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-58620220\nThisdell, D. (2018, March 8). Brexit throws Anglo-French FCAS programme into\ndoubt. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.flightglobal.com/brexit-throws-anglo-french-fcas-programme-into-doubt/127329.article\nTran, P. (2019, March 19). MBDA and FCAS: The Brexit Challenge. Retrieved\nOctober 11, 2022, from https://defense.info/multi-domain-dynamics/2019/03/mbda-and-fcas-the-brexit-challenge/\nVincenti, D. (2017, March 7). EU takes first steps towards military HQ. Retrieved\nMay 20, 2022, from https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/eu-takes-first-steps-towards-military-hq/\nWhineray, D. (2020, January 23). The Pros and Cons of a European Security Council.\nRetrieved October 13, 2022, from https://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/80869\n\n參、 法文部分\n一、 官方文件\nÉlysée. (2019). Traité entre La République Française et la République Fédérale\nD’Allemagne sur la Coopération et L’Intégration Franco-Allemandes. Retrieved from https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2019/01/22/signature-du-traite-franco-allemand-d-aix-la-chapelle\nMinistère des Armées. (2017). Revue Stratégique de Défense et de Sécurité Nationale\n2017. Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/2017-rs-def1018_cle0b6ef5-1.pdf\nMinistère des Armées. (2021). Actualisation Stratégique 2021. Retrieved from\nhttps://www.defense.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/dgris/REVUE%20STRAT%202021%2004%2002%202021%20FR.pdf\n二、 期刊論文\nAlcantara, M., & Clamadieu, S. (2018). Brexit: impacts sur le partenariat franco-\nbritannique et la coopération européenne en matière de défense. Revue Defense Nationale, 808(3), 107-112.\nBihan, B. (2014). La défense de la France sur la corde raide. DSI (Défense et Sécurité\nInternationale), (101), 74-83.\nBorzillo, L. (2018). La France peut-elle compter sur l’Allemagne en cas de besoin de\nprojection de force?. Les Champs de Mars, (1), 19-26.\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019c). La France, l’Allemagne et la défense européenne: une\nlocomotive symbolique plus qu’opérationnelle?. Revue Défense Nationale, 821(6), 37-42.\nDesportes, V. (2013). Il faut une défense à la France. DSI (Défense et Sécurité\nInternationale), (92), 36-39.\nDrain, M. (2018). L’Allemagne et les Opérations militaires extérieures (Opex), quelle\ncoopération avec la France?. Allemagne d`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 85-99.\nGiegerich, B., & Frey, C. (2019). Coopération franco-allemande de sécurité et de\ndéfense et autonomie stratégique européenne. Revue Défense nationale, 821(6), 43-49.\nLefebvre, M. (2016). La France et l’Allemagne. Diplomatie, (82), 45-48.\nMaulny, J.-P. (2010). Nicolas Sarkozy et la politique de défense de la France. Revue\ninternationale et stratégique(1), 109-114.\nMaulny, J. P. (2022). Avenir incertain de la coopération franco-britannique en matière\nde défense. Apres-demain, 62(2), 34-36.\nTrouille, J. M. (2018). L’impact du Brexit sur la relation franco-allemande. Allemagne\nd`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 74-84.\n三、 報告\nBaille, L. M. (2019). Les relations de défense nucléaires franco-britanniques après\nle Brexit. In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire\nFrançais de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).\nDeschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume. (2018). La France et l’Allemagne face à la\nrelance de la PSDC après le Brexit: Le retour du moteur franco-allemand ?. hal-01924981\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019b). Le Traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle et la coopération\nfranco-allemande en matière de sécurité et de défense. Paix et sécurité\neuropéenne et internationale(12).\nHoworth, J. (2018). Brexit et défense européenne : vers un deal ambigu ? Politique\nétrangère, Hiver(4), 49-60. doi:10.3917/pe.184.0049\nStark, H. (2019). La France et l’Allemagne face à l’Union européenne. pp. 403-418.\nIn Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire Français de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).\n四、 報紙\nBauer, A. (2016). La défense, sujet de partenariat difficile entre les deux pays. Echos\n(Paris, France).\n五、 網路資源\nMinistère des Armées. (2022, September 30). SCAF – Un chantier en cours, une\nambition intacte. Retrieved from https://www.defense.gouv.fr/actualites/scaf-chantier-cours-ambition-intacte 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系
108253007資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108253007 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 蘇卓馨 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Su, Cho-Hsin en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 洪聖彥 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Hong, Sheng-Yan en_US dc.creator (作者) 洪聖彥 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Hong, Sheng-Yan en_US dc.date (日期) 2022 en_US dc.date.accessioned 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0108253007 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/item?item_id=162258 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 外交學系 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 108253007 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 2016年以來一連串的國際環境動盪使得歐盟面臨諸多安全挑戰，除了俄羅斯近年愈趨獨斷的行為、美國總統川普上台後受損的跨大西洋關係之外，英國脫歐公投也無疑為歐盟帶來一記沉重的打擊，特別是歐盟共同防務的未來發展，不僅關乎歐洲整體安全，也考驗歐盟整合能否拓展至高階政治層面，使其於國際舞台上扮演更具影響力的角色。\n有鑑於此，本研究嘗試運用多層次治理作為分析框架。一方面超國家層次雖囿於防衛政策的高度政府間主義而使得影響有限，但透過歐盟執委會、《歐盟戰略指南》的內涵，仍可以觀察歐盟藉由構築歐盟防衛科技與工業基礎（European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, EDTIB）以及共同戰略文化，期望透過整合防衛能力與激勵成員國意願，彌補歐盟因英國離開而造成的巨大防衛實力空缺，同時也把握英國脫歐給予歐盟防衛整合深化的機遇之窗。另一方面，政府間層次聚焦歐洲重要的三大軍事力量－英國、德國和法國於2016年後的戰略動態，包括英國由全球化英國（Global Britain）展示的戰略野心、德國因國際責任上升顯現的戰略轉變以及法國藉歐盟政治重心推崇的戰略自主，這些戰略動向除了體現於他們各具合作與分歧的雙邊防衛關係，也在俄烏戰爭的檢視中得到進一步的印證，因而更具指標性地反映出歐盟共同防務的未來發展。儘管英國脫歐公投至今英－歐防衛關係顯得不甚熱絡，但針對歐洲安全合作仍對雙方具有共同利益；以及，德－法軸心對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策（Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP）的領導，雖然兩國展現出政治合作默契，但戰略願景的根本性分歧與戰略自主的認知差異仍將是未來德、法，乃至於歐盟全體發展歐盟共同防務所需面臨的考驗。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) EU has been faced with security challenges since 2016 due to a series of changes and unrest in the international environment, including Russia’s growing assertiveness in recent years, shaky transatlantic alliance after President Trump’s inauguration, and the Brexit referendum, which undoubtedly struck EU a heavy blow, especially to the future EU CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy), or more broladly, EU Common Defence. This topic not only concerns the overall security in Europe but also observes the spillover effect of defence integration towards high politics, where it grants EU an even more influential role on the international stage.\nIn view of the importance of EU common defence, this thesis employs multilevel governance as the main approach. On the one hand, the supranational level, though confined because the defence policy competence tends to be highly intergovernmental, the European Commission and Strategic Compass manages to build EDTIB (European Defence Technological and Industrial Base) and construct a common strategic culture among the member states in order to integrate defence capabilities and encourage member states to develop common defence for EU in post-Brexit era. On the other hand, the intergovernmental level focuses on the new strategic dynamics of the UK, Germany and France, the major military powers in Europe. Ranging from the UK’s strategic ambition from “Global Britain,” Germany’s strategic shift due to the rising international responsibility to France’s strategic autonomy out of building its political centre in the Union, they are not only embodied in their bilateral defence relations after Brexit but also reflected in their responses towards Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Accordingly, this study argues that UK-EU defence relations has been not at all close or optimistic ever since the 2016 Brexit referendum, but cooperation in terms of European security stills brings both sides the mutual interest. Besides, although the political leadership of Franco-German axis is self-evident, the divergences of the strategic visions as well as the different recognition of Strategic Autonomy between the two, or even the EU as a whole, remain unsolved for the EU common defence. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 1\n第一節 研究動機與重要性 1\n第二節 文獻探討 4\n第三節 研究方法 19\n第四節 研究限制 21\n第五節 章節安排 21\n第二章 歐盟共同防務之背景 23\n第一節 歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策之歷史發展 23\n第二節 英、德、法三國對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策的影響 34\n第三節 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務 41\n第三章 英國脫歐後：英德法三國的交互作用 52\n第一節 英國與德國：沉默結盟關係之甦醒 52\n第二節 英國與法國：強大軍事合作之隱憂 59\n第三節 德國與法國：歐盟統合引擎之重啟 66\n第四節 小結 72\n第四章 歐盟共同防務之多層次治理分析 78\n第一節 歐盟戰略指南 78\n第二節 歐盟共同防務的多層次治理 86\n第三節 俄烏戰爭的檢視 94\n第五章 結論 99\n第一節 研究發現 99\n第二節 未來展望 100\n參考文獻 103\n壹、 中文部分 103\n貳、 英文部分 103\n參、 法文部分 123 zh_TW dc.format.extent 3658481 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108253007 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 歐盟防衛 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 英國脫歐 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 歐盟戰略指南 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 德-法軸心 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) EU defence en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Brexit en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) EU Strategic Compass en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Franco-German axis en_US dc.title (題名) 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務—英、德、法之新戰略動態 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Post-Brexit EU Common Defence — New Strategic Dynamics among the UK, Germany and France en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 壹、 中文部分\n一、專書\n吳萬寶(2003)。邁向歐盟建軍之路 ：歐盟共同歐洲安全暨防衛政策 / 吳萬寶作。臺北縣：韋伯文化國際出版公司。\n張迎紅(2011)。歐盟共同安全與防務政策研究 (一版)。北京市：時事。\n陳麗娟(2013)。里斯本條約後歐洲聯盟新面貌 / 陳麗娟著 (二版)。臺北市：五南。\n二、期刊論文\n王振亞(2001)。「法德軍事關係與歐盟共同安全政策」。武漢大學學報(社會科學版)，54(2)，192-196。doi:10.3969/j.issn.1672-7320.2001.02.009\n王冀平(2006)。「由法國視角評析戰後初期的法德安全關係」。國際關係學院學報，2006(1)，23-27。Guo ji guan xi xue yuan xue bao = Journal of the Institute of International Relations, doi:10.3969/j.issn.1004-3489.2006.01.006\n甘逸驊(2006)。「歐洲安全與防衛政策的軍事層面：歐盟的全球戰略地位」。問題與研究，45(5)。 doi:10.30390/ISC.200609_45(5).0005\n甘逸驊(2016)。「里斯本條約架構下的歐盟安全政策合作之嘗試」。東吳政治學報，34(2)，61-107。\n朱耿華(2016)。「英國“脫歐”後歐盟共同安全與防務政策走向分析」。現代軍事，(12)，72-74。\n吳萬寶(2015)。「歐盟高峰會與共同安全暨防衛政策」。全球政治評論，(50)，25-47。\n陳蔚芳(2020)。「德國與歐盟共同防務整合：自由政府間主義的分析」。政治科學論叢，(85)，45-90。doi:10.6166/TJPS.202009_(85).0002\n\n貳、 英文部分\n一、官方文件\nAyrault J. & Steinmeier F. (2016). A strong Europe in a world of uncertainties.\nRetrieved October 12, 2022 from https://static.presspublica.pl/red/rp/pdf/DokumentUE.pdf\nEEAS (European Union External Action Service). (2016). High Representative\nMogherini presents EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy. Retrieved from EEAS website: https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/7337/high-representative-mogherini-presents-eu-global-strategy-foreign-and-security-policy_en\nEEAS. (2022a). A Strategic Compass for the EU. Retrieved from EEAS websit\ne: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/strategic-compass-security-and-defence-1_en\nEEAS. (2022d). EU Missions and Operations. Retrieved from EEAS website: h\nttps://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/EU-mission-and-operation_2022.pdf\nEuropean Commission. (2019). Political declaration setting out the framework for the\nfuture relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:12019W/DCL(01)&from=EN\nEuropean Council. (2022). The Versailles declaration, 10 and 11 March 2022.\nRetrieved from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/03/11/the-versailles-declaration-10-11-03-2022/\nGerman Federal Government. (2006). White Paper 2006 on German Security P\nolicy and the Future of the Bundeswehr. Retrieved from https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/156941/Germany%202006%20white%20paper.pdf\nGerman Federal Government. (2016). White Paper 2016 on German Security P\nolicy and the Future of the Bundeswehr. Retrieved from https://issat.dcaf.ch/download/111704/2027268/2016%20White%20Paper.pdf\nGeneral Secretariat of the Council. (2003). European Security Strategy A secure\nEurope in a better world. Retrieved from https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/d0928657-af99-4552-ae84-1cbaaa864f96/\nHM Government. (2010). The strategic defence and security review: securing B\nritain in an age of uncertainty. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-strategic-defence-and-security-review-securing-britain-in-an-age-of-uncertainty\nHM Government. (2015). National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and\nSecurity Review 2015. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-security-strategy-and-strategic-defence-and-security-review-2015\nHM Government. (2018a). 2018 United Kingdom-France Summit Communique.\nRetrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-france-summit-2018-documents\nHM Government. (2021). The Integrated Review 2021. Retrieved from Govern\nment of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/the-integrated-review-2021\nUK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office. (2021). UK-Germany joint\ndeclaration, June 2021. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-germany-joint-declaration-june-2021/uk-germany-joint-declaration-june-2021\nUK Ministry of Defence & Ministère des Armées. (2018a). UK and France: o\nur shared history. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-and-france-defence-cooperation\nUK Ministry of Defence & Ministère des Armées. (2018b). UK and France:\nMilitary Cooperation. Retrieved from Government of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-and-france-defence-cooperation\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2021). Defence in a competitive age. Retrieved from\nGovernment of the UK website: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/defence-in-a-competitive-age\n二、專書\nBaun, M. J., & Marek, D. (2014). Cohesion policy in the European Union / Michael\nBaun and Dan Marek. New York, NY: Palgrave.\nBiscop, S., & Algieri, F. (2008). The Lisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and\nIntegration. Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nCahen, A. (1989). The Western European Union and NATO : building a European\ndefence identity within the context of Atlantic solidarity. London ;: Brassey`s UK.\nChappell, L. (2012). Germany, Poland and the Common Security and Defence Policy:\nConverging Security and Defence Perspectives in an Enlarged EU. London: Palgrave Macmillan.\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019a). The French-German Military Cooperation and the\nRevival of European Defence After Brexit: Between Reality and Political Myth. In Baciu, C. A., & Doyle, J. (Eds.), Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe (pp. 53-77). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nDuke, S. (2011). The EU, NATO and the Treaty of Lisbon: Still Divided Within a\nCommon City. In Cardwell (ed.), EU external relations law and policy in the post-Lisbon era (pp. 335-355). The Hague, The Netherlands: T. M. C. Asser Press.\nDuke, S. (2018). Will Brexit Damage Our Security and Defence?: The Impact on the\nUK and EU. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nDyson, T., & Konstadinides, T. (2013). European defence cooperation in EU law and\nIR theory. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.\nEnderlein, H., Wälti, S., & Zürn, M. (2010). Handbook on multi-level governance /\nedited by Henrik Enderlein, Sonja Wälti and Michael Zürn. Edward Elgar.\nFaleg, G. (2016). The EU`s Common Security and Defence Policy: Learning\nCommunities in International Organizations. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nFaure, S. B. H. (2018). Franco-British Defence Co-operation in the Context of Brexit.\nIn Johnson, & Matlary, J. H. (Eds.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit: Britain’s Alliances, Coalitions, and Partnerships (pp. 103-125). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nFursdon, E. (1980). The European Defence Community : a history / Edward Fursdon.\nLondon: Macmillan.\nGinsberg, & Penksa, S. (2012). The European Union in Global Security: The Politics\nof Impact. Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nGordon, P. H. (1992). French security policy after the Cold War: Continuity, change,\nand implications for the United States. RAND ARROYO CENTER SANTA MONICA CA.\nHampton, M. N. (2013). Oasis or Mirage? EU European Security and Strategic\nCulture. In Hampton, M. N. (Ed.), A thorn in transatlantic relations American and European perceptions of threat and security (pp. 51-83). Palgrave Macmillan, New York.\nHooghe, L., Marks, G., & Schakel, A. (2014). Multilevel governance and the state.\nOxford Handbook on the Transformation of the State. Oxford: Oxford University Press.\nHougardy, P. (2008). Permanent Structured Cooperation. In Biscop, S., & Algieri, F.\n(Eds.), The Lisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and\nIntegration (pp. 15–18). Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nHoworth, J., & Keeler, J. T. S. (2003). Defending Europe: the EU, NATO, and the\nquest for European autonomy / edited by Jolyon Howorth and John T.S. Keeler (1st ed.). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.\nHoworth, J. (2014). Security and defence policy in the European Union., (Second\nedition. ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.\nHyde-Price, A. (2018). The Common Security and Defence Policy. In Meijer H. &\nWyss M. (Eds.), The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces (pp. 394-406). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0023\nIñiguez de Heredia, M. (2019). Military Capacity Building as EU’s New Security and\nDevelopment Strategy: The New Rules for Peace Promotion? In Johansson-Nogués, Vlaskamp, M. C., & Barbé, E. (Eds.), European Union Contested: Foreign Policy in a New Global Context (pp. 173-189). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nJiménez-Ugarte, J. (2019). From the European Defence Community to Permanent\nStructured Cooperation. In Ramirez, & Biziewski, J. (Eds.), Security and defence in Europe (pp. 77-86). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nKasper, A., & Mölder, H. (2020). The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy in\nFacing New Security Challenges and Its Impact on Cyber Defence. In Ramiro Troitino, Kerikmae, T., de la Guardia, R. M., & Perez Sanchez, G. A. (Eds.) The EU in the 21st Century (pp. 271-294). Springer, Cham.\nKoppa, M. (2022). The Evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy:\nCritical Junctures and the Quest for EU Strategic Autonomy. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nLarivé, M. H. A. (2014). Debating European security and defense policy :\nunderstanding the complexity. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate.\nMalici, A. (2008). Political Leadership and Security Integration. In Malici. (Ed.), The\nSearch for a Common European Foreign and Security Policy: Leaders, Cognitions, and Questions of Institutional Viability (pp. 3-16). New York: Palgrave Macmillan US.\nMartin, C. (2012). Free-Riding? The Cost of Defence: The United Kingdom, France\nand the United States of America. In Connelly, & Hayward, J. E. S. (Eds.), The Withering of the Welfare State (pp. 193-207). Palgrave Macmillan, London.\nMatlary, J. (2009). European Union Security Dynamics: In the New National Interest.\nLondon: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMazzucelli, C. (2012). The Treaty of Maastricht: Designing the European Union. In\nLaursen, F. (ed.), Designing the European Union: from Paris to Lisbon (pp. 147-179). London: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMérand. (2012). Bricolage: A Sociological Approach to the Making of CSDP. In\nKurowska, & Breuer, F. (Eds.), Explaining the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (pp. 136–161). Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nMerlingen, M. (2012). EU security policy: what it is, how it works, why it matters.\nBoulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers.\nMölder, H. (2018). British Approach to the European Union: From Tony Blair to\nDavid Cameron. In Troitino, Kerikmae, T., & Chochia, A. (Eds.), Brexit (pp. 153-173). Springer, Cham.\nOchman, J. (2019). Untangling the Separate Concepts of Security and Defence in the\nContext of Brexit. In J. Martin Ramirez, Jerzy Biziewski (Eds.), Security and defence in Europe (pp. 97-106). Cham: Springer International Publishing\nRomano, A. (2009). From détente in Europe to European détente: how the West\nshaped the Helsinki CSCE. Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang.\nSaxi, H. L. (2018). British-German Defence and Security Relations After Brexit: Quo\nVadis, ‘Silent Alliance’? In Johnson, & Matlary, J. H. (Eds.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit: Britain’s Alliances, Coalitions, and Partnerships (pp. 127-158). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nStrickmann E. (2008). Conference Report. In Biscop, S., & Algieri, F. (Eds.), The\nLisbon treaty and ESDP: transformation and Integration (pp. 43–53). Brussels: Egmont Institute.\nSvendsen, Ø. (2021). The Security and Defense Aspect of Brexit: Altering the Third\nCountry Balance?. In Riddervold, Trondal, J., & Newsome, A. (Eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises (pp. 525-543). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.\nTudoroiu, T. (2018). Europe’s Great Powers and Small States. In Tudoroiu. (Ed.),\nBrexit, President Trump, and the changing geopolitics of Eastern Europe (pp. 183-215). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nTurpin, L. D. (2019). UK-EU Military Cooperation and Brexit from a Neoclassical\nRealist Perspective: No Big Deal? In Baciu, & Doyle, J. (Eds.), Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe: Risks and Opportunities (pp. 3-27). Cham: Springer International Publishing.\nVicente, A. (2019). European Nuclear Deterrence and Security Cooperation: Post-\nBrexit Relations and Challenges. In Baciu, & Doyle, J. (Eds.) Peace, Security and Defence Cooperation in Post-Brexit Europe (pp. 163-190). Springer, Cham.\nVoskopoulos, G. (2020). European Union Security and Defence: Policies, Operations\nand Transatlantic Challenges. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nWaltz, K. (1979). Theory of international politics / Kenneth N. Waltz.\nAddison-Wesley Pub. Co.\nWeiss, M. (2011). Transaction Costs and Security Institutions: Unravelling the ESDP.\nLondon: Palgrave Macmillan UK.\nWright, N. (2018). The EU`s Common Foreign and Security Policy in Germany and\nthe UK: Co-Operation, Co-Optation and Competition. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\nZyla, B. (2020). The End of European Security Institutions?: The EU`s Common\nForeign and Security Policy and NATO after Brexit. Cham: Springer International Publishing AG.\n三、 期刊論文\nAllin, D. H., & Jones, E. (2022). Sleepwalking to Solidarity? Russia, Ukraine and the\nEuropean Dream. Survival, 64(3), 213-222. doi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2078059\nBarnes, J., & Makinda, S. M. (2022). Testing the limits of international society? Trust,\nAUKUS and Indo-Pacific security. International affairs, 98(4), 1307-1325. doi:10.1093/ia/iiac111\nBassiri Tabrizi, A. (2018). Informal Groups of States: A Growing Role in EU Foreign\nPolicy After Brexit? The RUSI journal, 163(4), 62-70. doi:10.1080/03071847.2018.1522046\nBaun, M., & Marek, D. (2019). Making Europe Defend Again: The Relaunch of\nEuropean Defense Cooperation from a Neoclassical Realist Perspective. Mezinárodní vztahy, 54(4), 27-46.\nBellais, R. (2021). MBDA`s Industrial Model and European Defence. Defence and\npeace economics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), 1-18. doi:10.1080/10242694.2021.1926176\nBéraud-Sudreau, L. (2019). Building Franco-German Consensus on Arms Exports.\nSurvival, 61(4), 79-98. doi:10.1080/00396338.2019.1637124\nBerenskoetter, F., & Giegerich, B. (2010). From NATO to ESDP: A Social\nConstructivist Analysis of German Strategic Adjustment after the End of the Cold War. Security studies, 19(3), 407-452. doi:10.1080/09636412.2010.505128\nBiava, A., Drent, M., & Herd, G. P. (2011). Characterizing the European Union`s\nStrategic Culture: An Analytical Framework. Journal of common market studies, 49(6), 1227-1248. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02195.x\nBiermann, F., & Weiss, M. (2021). Power without a cause? Germany`s conflict\navoidance and the integration of European defence procurement. Journal of European Integration, 43(2), 227-242. doi:10.1080/07036337.2021.1877691\nBiscop, S. (2012). The UK and European defence: leading or leaving? International\naffairs (London), 88(6), 1297-1313. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01133.x\nBiscop, S. (2016). All or nothing? The EU Global Strategy and defence policy after\nthe Brexit. Contemporary Security Policy, 37(3), 431–445. https://doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2016.1238120\nBueger, C., Edmunds, T., & Edwards, S. (2021). Innovation and New Strategic\nChoices: Refreshing the UK`s National Strategy for Maritime Security. The RUSI journal, 166(4), 66-75. doi:10.1080/03071847.2021.1981777\nBunde, T. (2021). Defending European integration by (symbolically) integrating\nEuropean defence? Germany and its ambivalent role in European security and defence policy. Journal of European Integration: A member state like any other? Germany and the European integration of core state powers, 43(2), 243-259. doi:10.1080/07036337.2021.1877693\nCalcara, A. (2017). State-defence industry relations in the European context: French\nand UK interactions with the European Defence Agency. European security, 26(4), 527-551. doi:10.1080/09662839.2017.1384379\nCalcara, A. (2020). The hybrid role of the High Representative in the security and\ndefence field: more in 10 months than in the 10 years? European security, 29(3), 376-395. doi:10.1080/09662839.2020.1798406\nCardwell, P. J. (2017). The United Kingdom and the Common Foreign and Security\nPolicy of the EU: From Pre-Brexit ‘Awkward Partner’ to Post-Brexit ‘Future Partnership’? Croatian yearbook of European law & policy, 13(13), 1-26. doi:10.3935/cyelp.13.2017.282\nChappell, L., Exadaktylos, T., & Petrov, P. (2020). A more capable EU? Assessing the\nrole of the EU`s institutions in defence capability development. Journal of European Integration, 42(4), 583-600. doi:10.1080/07036337.2019.1666115\nCladi, L., & Locatelli, A. (2020). Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and\nCSDP after Brexit. Global policy, 11(1), 5-14. doi:10.1111/1758-5899.12747\nCoutau-Bégarie, H. (2004). One hundred years of Franco-British strategic Co-\noperation. The RUSI journal, 149(2), 46-50. doi:10.1080/03071840408522966\nde Wijk, R. (2004). The reform of ESDP and EU-NATO cooperation. The\nInternational spectator, 39(1), 71-82. doi:10.1080/03932720408457061\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2022). European defence in an interpolar context: explaining\nthe limitations of French-German contribution to European strategic autonomy. Defence studies, 22(4), 591-608. doi:10.1080/14702436.2022.2110474\nDrake, H., & Schnapper, P. (2021). ‘We thought we were friends!’: Franco-British\nbilateral diplomacy and the shock of Brexit. Journal of Contemporary European Research, 17. doi:10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1241\nDriedger, J. J. (2021). Bilateral defence and security cooperation despite\ndisintegration: Does the Brexit process divide the United Kingdom and Germany on Russia? European journal of international security, 6(1), 86-108. doi:10.1017/eis.2020.18\nDunne, T. (2004). `When the shooting starts`: Atlanticism in British security strategy.\nInternational affairs (London), 80(5), 893-909. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00424.x\nDyson, T. (2013). The Material Roots of European Strategy: Beyond Culture and\nValues. Contemporary security policy, 34(3), 419-445. doi:10.1080/13523260.2013.842296\nEwers-Peters, N. M. (2021). Brexit’s implications for EU-NATO cooperation:\nTransatlantic bridge no more? British journal of politics & international relations, 23(4), 576-592. doi:10.1177/1369148120963814\nEwers-Peters, N. M. (2022). Germany Going `Midstream`: Balancing vs Leadership in\nEU-NATO Cooperation. German politics, 31(3), 363-380. doi:10.1080/09644008.2020.1826439\nEyal, J. (2016). Brexit: The Lull Before the Storm. The RUSI journal, 161(4), 16-20.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2016.1232877\nFallon, M., Griffith, N., & Farron, T. (2017). UK General Election: Defence\nPerspectives. The RUSI journal, 162(2), 4-7. doi:10.1080/03071847.2017.1336406\nFilipec, O. (2017). (In) efficiency of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy:\nUkraine, Brexit, Trump and beyond. Slovenská politologická revue, 17(3-4), 279-298.\nFiott, D. (2015). The European Commission and the European Defence Agency: A\nCase of Rivalry?: The European Commission and the European Defence Agency. Journal of common market studies, 53(3), 542-557. doi:10.1111/jcms.12217\nGiegerich, B., & Terhalle, M. (2016). The Munich Consensus and the Purpose of\nGerman Power. Survival (London), 58(2), 155-166. doi:10.1080/00396338.2016.1161909\nGrand, C. (2013). CSDP Is There a Next Chapter. The Polish quarterly of\ninternational affairs, 22(3), 9-18.\nGstöhl, S. (2020). The EU After Brexit: A Weaker or Stronger International Actor?\nEuropean foreign affairs review, 25(Issue 4), 503-522. doi:10.54648/EERR2020036\nHåkansson, C. (2021). The European Commission`s new role in EU security and\ndefence cooperation: the case of the European Defence Fund. European security, 30(4), 589-608. doi:10.1080/09662839.2021.1906229\nHaroche, P. (2017). Interdependence, asymmetric crises, and European defence\ncooperation. European security (London, England), 26(2), 226-252. doi:10.1080/09662839.2017.1294579\nHaroche, P. (2020). Supranationalism strikes back: a neofunctionalist account of the\nEuropean Defence Fund. Journal of European public policy, 27(6), 853-872. doi:10.1080/13501763.2019.1609570\nHarries, M. (2012). Britain and France as Nuclear Partners. Survival, 54(1), 7-30.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2012.657528\nHeading For a Brexit?: Sundberg and Zetterlund - Terlikowski - Kempin and\nMawdsley. (2013). The RUSI Journal, 158(4), 19–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2013.829655\nHeidenkamp, H., & Akaltin, F. (2012). Confronting the European Defence Crisis: The\nCommon European Army in Germany`s Political Debate. The RUSI journal, 157(2), 18-25. doi:10.1080/03071847.2012.681598\nHeisbourg, F. (2016). Brexit and European Security. Survival (London), 58(3), 13-22.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2016.1186973\nHenke, M., & Maher, R. (2021). The populist challenge to European defense. Journal\nof European public policy, 28(3), 389-406. doi:10.1080/13501763.2021.1881587\nHeuser, B. (2017). Britain and the Origins and Future of the European Defence and\nSecurity Mechanism. The RUSI journal, 162(2), 16-23.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2017.1335557\nHill, C. (2016). Powers of a kind: the anomalous position of France and the United\nKingdom in world politics. International affairs, 92(2), 393-414. doi:10.1111/1468-2346.12556\nHix, S. (2018). Brexit: Where is the EU–UK Relationship Heading? Journal of\ncommon market studies, 56(S1), 11-27. doi:10.1111/jcms.12766\nHofmann, S. C., & Mérand, F. (2020). In Search of Lost Time: Memory‐framing,\nBilateral Identity‐making, and European Security. Journal of common market studies, 58(1), 155-171. doi:10.1111/jcms.12976\nHoworth, J. (2002). The CESDP and the forging of a European security culture.\nPolitique européenne, 8(4), 88-109.\nHoworth, J. (2003). France, Britain and the Euro-Atlantic Crisis. Survival, 45(4), 173-\n192. doi:10.1080/00396338.2003.9687570\nHoworth, J. (2005). The Euro-Atlantic Security Dilemma: France, Britain, and the\nESDP. Journal of transatlantic studies, 3(1), 39-54. doi:10.1080/14794010508656816\nHoworth, J. (2017a). European defence policy between dependence and autonomy: A\nchallenge of Sisyphean dimensions. British journal of politics & international relations, 19(1), 13-28. doi:10.1177/1369148116685296\nHoworth, J. (2017b). EU Defence Cooperation after Brexit: What Role for the UK in\nthe Future EU Defence Arrangements? European view, 16(2), 191-200. doi:10.1007/s12290-017-0455-5\nHoworth, J., & Menon, A. (2009). Still Not Pushing Back: Why the European Union\nIs Not Balancing the United States. The Journal of conflict resolution, 53(5), 727-744. doi:10.1177/0022002709339362\nHoworth, J. (2019). Differentiation in security and defence policy. Comparative\nEuropean politics (Houndmills, Basingstoke, England), 17(2), 261-277. doi:10.1057/s41295-019-00161-w\nHuntley, M. D. (2022). European defence policy at a crossroads - Germany preserving\nthe status quo and France seeking change? European politics and society, 23(2), 173-188. doi:10.1080/23745118.2020.1855710\nHyde-Price, A. (2004). European Security, Strategic Culture, and the Use of Force.\nEuropean security (London, England), 13(4), 323-343. doi:10.1080/09662830490499993\nKempin, R., & Mawdsley, J. (2013). The UK, the EU and European Security: A\nGerman Perspective. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 32-36. doi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826496\nKleczka, M. (2020). Between Europeanisation and domestic favouritism: recent\nprogresses of defence-industrial restructuring in Germany. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 455-457. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857918\nKnezović, S., & Lopes M. E. (2020). The European army concept - an end-goal or a\nwake-up call for European security and defence? Eastern journal of European studies, 11(2), 334-352.\nKnutsen, B. O. (2022). A Weakening Transatlantic Relationship? Redefining the EU–\nUS Security and Defence Cooperation. Politics and governance, 10(2), 165-175. doi:10.17645/pag.v10i2.5024\nKrauss, E. S., & Maull, H. W. (2020). Germany, Japan and the Fate of International\nOrder. Survival (London), 62(3), 159-178. doi:10.1080/00396338.2020.1763619\nKrotz, U., & Schild, J. (2018). Back to the future? Franco-German bilateralism in\nEurope`s post-Brexit union. Journal of European public policy, 25(8), 1174-1193. doi:10.1080/13501763.2018.1467951\nKunz, B. (2020). Switching Umbrellas in Berlin? The Implications of Franco-German\nNuclear Cooperation. The Washington quarterly, 43(3), 63-77. doi:10.1080/0163660X.2020.1814007\nKüsters, C. (2018). Why is there no Joint European Remotely Piloted Aircraft System\nProject under the Common Security and Defence Policy? The RUSI journal, 163(2), 52-65. doi:10.1080/03071847.2018.1475625\nLarrabee, F. S. (2004). ESDP and NATO: Assuring complementarity. The\nInternational spectator, 39(1), 51-70. doi:10.1080/03932720408457060\nLazar, Z. (2020). Debate opener: where is the European defence industry heading?\nEuropean defence industrial cooperation is at crossroads. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 449-449. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857912\nLindley-French, J. (2002). In the shade of Locarno? Why European defence is failing.\nInternational affairs (London), 78(4), 789-811. doi:10.1111/1468-2346.00280\nLindley-French, J. (2013). Britain and the Future of Europe’s Defence. Strategie und\nSicherheit, 2013(1), 167-180. doi:10.7767/sus-2013-0116\nLlewellyn, E., & Colonna, C. (2020). Points of View on Franco-British Defence\nRelations. Revue Defense Nationale, (9), 87-97.\nLonghurst, K., & Miskimmon, A. (2007). Same Challenges, Diverging Responses:\nGermany, the UK and European Security. German politics, 16(1), 79-94. doi:10.1080/09644000601157442\nMartill, B., & Sus, M. (2018). Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO,\nCSDP+, or ‘French connection’? British journal of politics & international relations, 20(4), 846-863. doi:10.1177/1369148118796979\nMartill, B., & Sus, M. (2019). Great expectations: the Brexit moment in EU security\nand defence and the return of the capabilities–expectations gap. Europe and the world, 3, 1-17.\nMawdsley, J. (2020). The impact of Brexit on European defence industry. Defense &\nsecurity analysis, 36(4), 460-462. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857920\nMazzucelli, C. (2013). Changing Partners at Fifty? French Security Policy after Libya\nin Light of the Élysée Treaty. German politics and society, 31(1), 116-137. doi:10.3167/gps.2013.310107\nMenon, A. (1995). From Independence to Cooperation: France, NATO and European\nSecurity. International affairs (London), 71(1), 19-34. doi:10.2307/2624008\nMenon, A. (2011a). Power, Institutions and the CSDP: The Promise of Institutionalist\nTheory: POWER, INSTITUTIONS AND THE CSDP. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 83-100. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02130.x\nMenon, A. (2011b). European Defence Policy from Lisbon to Libya. Survival\n(London), 53(3), 75-90. doi:10.1080/00396338.2011.586191\nMérand, F., Hofmann, S. C., & Irondelle, B. (2011). Governance and State Power: A\nNetwork Analysis of European Security: GOVERNANCE AND STATE POWER. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 121-147. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02132.x\nMeyer, C. O., & Strickmann, E. V. A. (2011). Solidifying Constructivism: How\nMaterial and Ideational Factors Interact in European Defence. Journal of common market studies, 49(1), 61-81. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02129.x\nMiskimmon, A. (2004). Continuity in the Face of Upheaval-British Strategic Culture\nand the Impact of the Blair Government. European security (London, England), 13(3), 273-299. doi:10.1080/09662830490499975\nMuravska, J. (2020). How can the European Commission help Europe`s defence\nindustry? By making the most out of what it is already doing. Defense & security analysis, 36(4), 450-452. doi:10.1080/14751798.2020.1857913\nNováky, N. (2019). EU it yourself: A blueprint for a European Security Council.\nEuropean view, 18(2), 260-262.\nPannier, A. (2013). Understanding the workings of interstate cooperation in defence:\nan exploration into Franco-British cooperation after the signing of the Lancaster House Treaty. European security, 22(4), 540-558. doi:10.1080/09662839.2013.833908\nPannier, A. (2016). The Anglo-French defence partnership after the “Brexit” vote:\nnew incentives and new dilemmas. The Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 2(5), 481 - 490. doi:10.1080/23340460.2017.1284566\nPannier, A. (2017). From one exceptionalism to another: France`s strategic relations\nwith the United States and the United Kingdom in the post-Cold War era. Journal of strategic studies, 40(4), 475-504. doi:10.1080/01402390.2016.1230546\nPannier, A., & Schmitt, O. (2014). Institutionalised cooperation and policy\nconvergence in European defence: lessons from the relations between France, Germany and the UK. European security, 23(3), 270-289. doi:10.1080/09662839.2014.884073\nPeters, I. (2004). ESDP as a Transatlantic Issue: Problems of Mutual Ambiguity.\nInternational Studies Review, 6(3), 381-402. doi:10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.00422.x\nPosen, B. R. (2004). ESDP and the structure of world power. The International\nspectator, 39(1), 5-17. doi:10.1080/03932720408457057\nRatti, L. (2014). Stepping up to reintegration: French security policy between\ntransatlantic and European defence during and after the Cold War. Journal of transatlantic studies, 12(4), 367-378. doi:10.1080/14794012.2014.962784\nRees, W. (2017). America, Brexit and the security of Europe. British journal of\npolitics & international relations, 19(3), 558-572. doi:10.1177/1369148117711400\nRieker, P. (2006). From common defence to comprehensive security: Towards the\nEuropeanization of French foreign and security policy?. Security Dialogue, 37(4), 509-528.\nRynning, S. (2011). Realism and the Common Security and Defence Policy. Journal\nof common market studies, 49(1), 23-42. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02127.x\nSchild, J. (2010). Mission Impossible? The Potential for Franco-German Leadership\nin the Enlarged EU. Journal of Common Market Studies, 48(5), 1367-1390. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02117.x\nSchild, J. (2013). Leadership in hard times: Germany, France, and the management of\nthe Eurozone crisis. German Politics and Society, 31(1), 24-47. doi:10.3167/gps.2013.310103\nSchmidt, P., & Zyla, B. (2011). European Security Policy: Strategic Culture in\nOperation? Contemporary security policy, 32(3), 484-493. doi:10.1080/13523260.2011.626329\nSchmitt, O. (2017). The Reluctant Atlanticist: France`s Security and Defence Policy in\na Transatlantic Context. Journal of strategic studies, 40(4), 463-474. doi:10.1080/01402390.2016.1220367\nSchreer, B. (2019). Trump, NATO and the Future of Europe`s Defence. The RUSI\njournal, 164(1), 10-17. doi:10.1080/03071847.2019.1605011\nShaffer, T. (2017). Hard Brexit on defence: how the UK can lead Europe in global\nsecurity. The journal of intelligence history, 16(2), 76-78. doi:10.1080/16161262.2017.1335978\nSimón, L. (2013a). The Spider in Europe`s Web? French Grand Strategy From Iraq to\nLibya. Geopolitics, 18(2), 403-434. doi:10.1080/14650045.2012.698336\nSimón, L. (2013b). Setting the Tone: The 2013 French White Paper and the Future of\nEuropean Defence. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 38-44.\ndoi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826502\nSimón, L. (2017). Neorealism, Security Cooperation, and Europe`s Relative Gains\nDilemma. Security studies, 26(2), 185-212. doi:10.1080/09636412.2017.1280297\nSimpson, J. (2004). France, the United Kingdom and deterrence in the twenty-first\ncentury. Contemporary security policy, 25(1), 136-151.\ndoi:10.1080/1352326042000290551\nSmajić, M., & Kadić, V. (2020). Brexit and the “New” Transatlantic Relations:\nPotential Reflections on the Strategic Re-Positioning and Development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. Politické vedy, 23(2), 200-218. doi:10.24040/politickevedy.2020.23.2.200-218\nStaunton, E. (2022). A Useful Failure: Macron`s Overture to Russia. Survival, 64(2),\n17-24. doi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2055819\nStent, A. (2022). Germany and Russia: Farewell to Ostpolitik? Survival, 64(5), 27-38.\ndoi:10.1080/00396338.2022.2126194\nSundberg, A., & Zetterlund, K. (2013). Losing an Ally but not Losing Faith in the EU:\nSwedish Perspectives on a UK Departure from the Union. The RUSI journal, 158(4), 20-25. doi:10.1080/03071847.2013.826493\nSvendsen, Ø. (2019). Brexit and the future of EU defence: a practice approach to\ndifferentiated defence integration. Journal of European Integration, 41(8), 993-1007. doi:10.1080/07036337.2019.1622540\nTocci, N. (2018). Towards a European Security and Defence Union: Was 2017 a\nWatershed? Journal of common market studies, 56(S1), 131-141. doi:10.1111/jcms.12752\nTsertsvadze, I. (2017). Britain and the Common Security and Defense Policy of the\nEuropean Union. Connections. The quarterly journal (English ed.), 16(3), 73-86. doi:10.11610/Connections.16.3.05\nUrbanovská, J., Chovančík, M., & Brajerčíková, S. (2022). Minilateral Cooperation in\nthe EU`s Post-Brexit Common Security and Defence Policy: Germany and the Visegrád Countries. Europe-Asia studies, 74(3), 402-425. doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2037520\nUrbanovská, J., Chovančík, M., & Brusenbauch Meislová, M. (2022). German-UK\ndefence cooperation amid Brexit: prospects for new bilateralism? European security, 31(1), 39-57. doi:10.1080/09662839.2021.1948402\nVan Herpen, M. H. (2004). Chirac`s Gaullism-Why France Has Become the Driving\nForce behind the Effort to Build an Autonomous European Defence. Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 4(1), 67-2.\nWatanabe, L. (2005). The ESDP: Between Estrangement and a New Partnership in\nTransatlantic Security Relations. Journal of contemporary European studies, 13(1), 5-20. doi:10.1080/14782800500060999\nWessel, R. A. (2003). The State of Affairs in EU Security and Defence Policy: The\nBreakthrough in the Treaty of Nice. Journal of conflict & security law, 8(2), 265-288. doi:10.1093/jcsl/8.2.265\nWhitman, R. G. (2016). Epilogue: European security and defence in the shadow of\nBrexit. Global Affairs, 2(5), 521-525. doi:10.1080/23340460.2017.1300066\nZapfe, M. (2017). Deterrence from the Ground Up: Understanding NATO`s Enhanced\nForward Presence. Survival, 59(3), 147-160. doi:10.1080/00396338.2017.1325604\n四、報告\nAntezza, A., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., Kumar, B., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (2022a). The Ukraine Support Tracker: Which Countries Help Ukraine and How? (No. 2218 June 2022). Retrieved from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/fileadmin/Dateiverwaltung/IfW-Publications/-ifw/Kiel_Working_Paper/2022/KWP_2218_Which_countries_help_Ukraine_and_how_/KWP_2218_Version4_V4.pdf\nAntezza, A., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., Kumar, B., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (2022b). The Ukraine Support Tracker: Which Countries Help Ukraine and How? (No. 2218 June 2022). Retrieved from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/fileadmin/Dateiverwaltung/IfW-Publications/-ifw/Kiel_Working_Paper/2022/KWP_2218_Which_countries_help_Ukraine_and_how_/KWP_2218_Version5.pdf\nBillon-Galland, A., & Thomson, A. (2018). European Strategic Autonomy\nStop Talking, Start Planning. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep22125\nBlockmans, S., Macchiarini Crosson, D., & Paikin, Z. (2022). The EU`s Strategic\nCompass: A Guide to Reverse Strategic Shrinkage?. Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4136255\nBrattberg, E., & Valášek, T. (2019). European Strategic Autonomy and Its Politics.\nRetrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep20973.7\nCharillon, F., Dembinski, M., Deschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume, Ehrhart, H.-\nG., Hoeffler, C., Hofmann, S. C., . . . Schmitt, O. (2017). France, Germany, and the Quest for European Strategic Autonomy: Franco-German Defence Cooperation in A New Era. Policy paper collectif. Study Committee on French-German Relations (Cerfa). Retrieved from https://hal.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/hal-01843554\nCoelmont, J. (2020). Will a European Security Council bring strategic relevance?\nEgmont Security Policy Brief No. 124 March 2020.\nGotkowska, J. (2020). OSW Commentary - European strategic\nautonomy or European pillar in NATO? Germany’s stance on French initiatives. Retrieved from https://policycommons.net/artifacts/2113494/osw-commentary/\nKaim, M., & Kempin, R. (2019). A European Security Council: Added value for EU\nforeign and security policy? (No. 2/2019). SWP Comment.\nKamasa, J. (2021). Franco-German-British Security Cooperation After Brexit. In\nStrategic Trends 2021: Key Developments in Global Affairs (pp. 37-52): Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich.\nKeohane, D. (2017). Three’s company? France, Germany, the UK and European\ndefence post-Brexit. Elcano Royal Institute, ARI, 1, 2017-5.\nKoenig, N., & Walter-Franke, M. (2017). France and Germany: Spearheading a\nEuropean Security and Defense Union? : Jacques Delors Institut. Retrieved from https://institutdelors.eu/en/publications/france-and-germany-spearheading-a-european-security-and-defence-union/\nKoenig, N. (2019). Revamping CSDP Partnerships in the Shadow of Brexit.\nFoundation for European Progressive Studies. Retrieved from https://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/eugs_watch_9.pdf\nKunz, B. (2019). Why Franco-German leadership on European defense is not in sight.\nRetrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep19869\nMajor, C., & Von Ondarza, N. (2018). No “Global Britain” after Brexit. SWP\nComment, 24. Retrieved from https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publication/no-\nglobal-britain-after-brexit\nPerot, E. (2019). The Aachen Mutual Defence Clause: A Closer Look at the Franco-\nGerman Treaty. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep21385\nScazzieri, L. (2019). Towards a European Security Council. Centre for European\nreform.\nTassinari, F., & Tetzlaff, S. (2018). European security post Merkel: Denmark should\nurge Franco-German coordination on EU defence. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep21350.\n五、報紙\nErlanger, S. (2019). NATO Differences Stoke A Franco-German Feud: Foreign Desk.\nThe New York times.\n六、網路資源\n(一) 官方\nCouncil of the EU. (2021, March 22). A Strategic Compass for a stronger EU security\nand defence in the next decade. Retrieved October 25, 2022 from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/03/21/a-strategic-compass-for-a-stronger-eu-security-and-defence-in-the-next-decade/#:~:text=Today%20the%20Council%20has%20formally,and%20defence%20policy%20by%202030\nCouncil of the EU. (2022b, May 24). EU support to Ukraine: Council agrees on\nfurther increase of support under the European Peace Facility. Retrieved October 27, 2022 from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/05/24/eu-support-to-ukraine-council-agrees-on-further-increase-of-support-under-the-european-peace-facility/\nCouncil of the EU. (n.d.). EU response to Russia`s invasion of Ukraine. Retrieved\nOctober 27, 2022, from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/eu-response-ukraine-invasion/\nEDA (European Defence Agency). (2022). European Defence Fund. Retrieved\nOctober 27, 2022 from https://eda.europa.eu/what-we-do/EU-defence-initiatives/european-defence-fund-(edf)\nEEAS. (2021, August 12). CSDP structure, instruments and agencies. Retrieved July\n19, 2022 from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/csdp-structure-instruments-and-agencies_en#9942\nEEAS. (2022b, March 21). Questions and answers: a background for the Strategic\nCompass. Retrieved October 26 2022 from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/questions-and-answers-background-strategic-compass_en\nEEAS. (2022c, March 22). Questions & Answers: The European Peace Facility.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/questions-answers-european-peace-facility_en\nEEAS. (n.d.). The Common Security and Defence Policy. Retrieved July 25, 2022,\nfrom https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/common-security-and-defence-policy_en\nElectoral Commission. (2019, September 25). Results and turnout at the EU\nreferendum. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/who-we-are-and-what-we-do/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/eu-referendum/results-and-turnout-eu-referendum\nEuropean Commission. (2020, January 24). Questions and Answers on the United\nKingdom`s withdrawal from the European Union on 31 January 2020. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/qanda_20_104\nEuropean Commission. (2022, February 15). Commission unveils significant actions\nto contribute to European Defence, boost innovation and address strategic dependencies. Retrieved October 26, 2022, from https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_22_924\nEuropean Commission. (n.d.). EU Solidarity with Ukraine. Retrieved December 26,\n2022, from https://eu-solidarity-ukraine.ec.europa.eu/index_en\nGerman Federal Government. (2021a, February 5). Germany and France for European\nsovereignty. Retrieved October 10, 2022, from https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-en/news/franco-german-defence-council-1851544\nGerman Ministry of Defence. (2020, January 16). Kramp-Karrenbauer in London:\nSpeech by the Minister of Defence. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.bmvg.de/en/organisation/minister-of-defence-christine-lambrecht/akk-kramp-karrenbauer-london-speech-minister-of-defence-175342\nGerman Ministry of Defence. (2021, September 2). German-French squadron under\nconstruction in Evreux. Retrieved October 10, 2022, from https://www.bmvg.de/en/german-french-squadron-under-construction-evreux-5216624\nGerman Mission in Canada. (2022, July 7). Support of the Federal Republic of\nGermany for Ukraine. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://canada.diplo.de/ca-en/-/2541462\nHM Government. (2017, June 13). PM press conference with President of France\nEmmanuel Macron: 13 June 2017. Retrieved October 9, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-press-conference-with-president-of-france-emmanuel-macron-13-june-2017\nHM Government. (2018b, January 18). PM’s speech at the UK-France Summit: 18\nJanuary 2018. Retrieved October 9, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pms-speech-at-the-uk-france-summit-18-january-2018\nHM Government. (n.d.). Russian invasion of Ukraine: UK government response.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/russian-invasion-of-ukraine-uk-government-response\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (2019, October 2019). French-\nGerman Declaration of Toulouse (16 October 2019). Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/germany/events/article/french-german-declaration-of-toulouse-16-oct-19\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (n.d.). The International Coalition\nfor the Sahel. Retrieved from October 12, 2022, from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/africa/the-international-coalition-for-the-sahel/\nMinistère de L’Europe et des Affaires etrangères. (n.d.). France’s position on the\nsituation in Ukraine. Retrieved October, 2022, from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/ukraine/situation-in-ukraine-what-is/#:~:text=War%20in%20Ukraine%3A%20France`s%20position&text=From%20the%20very%20first%20day,alongside%20Ukraine%20and%20its%20people.\nNATO. (2022, October 18). NATO`s response to Russia`s invasion of Ukraine.\nRetrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_192648.htm\nThe White House. (2021, September 15). Remarks by President Biden, Prime\nMinister Morrison of Australia, and Prime Minister Johnson of the United Kingdom Announcing the Creation of AUKUS. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/09/15/remarks-by-president-biden-prime-minister-morrison-of-australia-and-prime-minister-johnson-of-the-united-kingdom-announcing-the-creation-of-aukus/\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2016, December 16). UK Strengthens Defence Partnership\nwith France. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-strengthens-defence-partnership-with-france\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2018a, September 30). UK to maintain military presence in\nGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-to-maintain-military-presence-in-germany#:~:text=Around%20185%20British%20Army%20personnel,of%20presence%20across%20the%20world\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2018b, October 5). UK deepens defence cooperation with\nGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-deepens-defence-cooperation-with-germany\nUK Ministry of Defence. (2019, February 28). RAF Brize Norton hosts inaugural UK-\nGermany Defence Ministerial Council. Retrieved from October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/raf-brize-norton-hosts-inaugural-uk-germany-defence-ministerial-council#:~:text=and%20armed%20forces-,RAF%20Brize%20Norton%20hosts%20inaugural%20UK%2DGermany%20Defence%20Ministerial%20Council,to%20countering%20nefarious%20cyber%20activity\nWorld Bank. (n.d.). Military Expenditure (% of GDP) – European Union. Retrieved\nOctober 26, 2022 from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS?locations=EU\n(二) 一般\nAboulafia, R. (2022, February 16). Why a franco-german fighter jet is a bad idea.\nRetrieved October 11, 2022, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/02/15/france-germany-fighter-jet-aviation-industry-europe-middle-east-sales/\nAmos, J. (2021, January 14). UK industry bids farewell to EU`s Galileo System.\nRetrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-55665537\nAntezza, A., Bushnell, K., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., . . . Trebesch,\nC. (n.d.). Ukraine support Tracker Data Set. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/publications/data-sets/ukraine-support-tracker-data-17410/\nBritain blocks proposal for permanent EU Security HQ. (2011, July 18). Retrieved\nSeptember 16, 2022, from https://www.reuters.com/article/eu-britain-defence-idAFLDE76H0RY20110718\nBusby M. (2020, February 22). British army hands back last headquarters in\nGermany. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/22/british-army-hands-back-last-headquarters-germany#:~:text=Catterick%20Barracks%20has%20been%20the,forces%20in%20Germany%20since%202013\nDavid Cameron promises in/out referendum on EU. (2013, January 23). Retrieved\nSeptember 12, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-21148282\nDW. (n.d.). France, Germany, Spain push ahead with fighter jet project. Retrieved\nOctober 11, 2022, from https://www.dw.com/en/france-germany-spain-push-ahead-with-fighter-jet-project/a-57562320\nEmmott R. & Rose M. (2019, November 8). NATO experiencing `brain death`,\nFrance`s Macron says. Retrieved from December 26, 2022 from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-germany-nato-idUSKBN1XH2KA\nEurocorps. (n.d.). History. Retrieved October 12, 2022 from\nhttps://www.eurocorps.org/about-us/history/\nFranco-British Council. (n.d.). About. Retrieved from October 11, 2022 from\nhttps://francobritish.org/en/about/\nHerszenhorn, D. (2021, December 2). Charles Michel declares 2022 ‘year of\nEuropean defense’. Retrieved October 25, 2022 from https://www.politico.eu/article/charles-michel-declares-2022-year-of-european-defense/\nLawrenson T. (2022, October 21). Russia`s war and the accelerating pace of EU\ndefence initiatives. Retrieved December 27, 2022 from https://www.iiss.org/blogs/military-balance/2022/10/russias-war-and-the-accelerating-pace-of-eu-defence-initiatives\nNATO. (n.d.). FRANCO-GERMAN BRIGADE. Retrieved October 12, 2022 from\nhttps://shape.nato.int/brilliant-jump/media-centre/fact-sheets/francogerman-brigade\nRfi. (2022, July 21). UK`s Tempest Fighter Project Soars as European rival remains in\nlimbo. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.rfi.fr/en/business-and-tech/20220721-uk-s-tempest-fighter-project-soars-as-european-rival-remains-in-limbo\nRussian spy: What happened to Sergei and Yulia Skripal? (2018, September 27).\nRetrieved September 16, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-43643025\nTania L. & Eleni L. (2021, October 7). Where will the EU`s Strategic Compass point?\nRetrieved October 25, 2022, from https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2021)698057\nTherrien, A. (2021, September 20). Aukus: France pulls out of UK defence talks amid\nrow. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-58620220\nThisdell, D. (2018, March 8). Brexit throws Anglo-French FCAS programme into\ndoubt. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.flightglobal.com/brexit-throws-anglo-french-fcas-programme-into-doubt/127329.article\nTran, P. (2019, March 19). MBDA and FCAS: The Brexit Challenge. Retrieved\nOctober 11, 2022, from https://defense.info/multi-domain-dynamics/2019/03/mbda-and-fcas-the-brexit-challenge/\nVincenti, D. (2017, March 7). EU takes first steps towards military HQ. Retrieved\nMay 20, 2022, from https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/eu-takes-first-steps-towards-military-hq/\nWhineray, D. (2020, January 23). The Pros and Cons of a European Security Council.\nRetrieved October 13, 2022, from https://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/80869\n\n參、 法文部分\n一、 官方文件\nÉlysée. (2019). Traité entre La République Française et la République Fédérale\nD’Allemagne sur la Coopération et L’Intégration Franco-Allemandes. Retrieved from https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2019/01/22/signature-du-traite-franco-allemand-d-aix-la-chapelle\nMinistère des Armées. (2017). Revue Stratégique de Défense et de Sécurité Nationale\n2017. Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/2017-rs-def1018_cle0b6ef5-1.pdf\nMinistère des Armées. (2021). Actualisation Stratégique 2021. Retrieved from\nhttps://www.defense.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/dgris/REVUE%20STRAT%202021%2004%2002%202021%20FR.pdf\n二、 期刊論文\nAlcantara, M., & Clamadieu, S. (2018). Brexit: impacts sur le partenariat franco-\nbritannique et la coopération européenne en matière de défense. Revue Defense Nationale, 808(3), 107-112.\nBihan, B. (2014). La défense de la France sur la corde raide. DSI (Défense et Sécurité\nInternationale), (101), 74-83.\nBorzillo, L. (2018). La France peut-elle compter sur l’Allemagne en cas de besoin de\nprojection de force?. Les Champs de Mars, (1), 19-26.\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019c). La France, l’Allemagne et la défense européenne: une\nlocomotive symbolique plus qu’opérationnelle?. Revue Défense Nationale, 821(6), 37-42.\nDesportes, V. (2013). Il faut une défense à la France. DSI (Défense et Sécurité\nInternationale), (92), 36-39.\nDrain, M. (2018). L’Allemagne et les Opérations militaires extérieures (Opex), quelle\ncoopération avec la France?. Allemagne d`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 85-99.\nGiegerich, B., & Frey, C. (2019). Coopération franco-allemande de sécurité et de\ndéfense et autonomie stratégique européenne. Revue Défense nationale, 821(6), 43-49.\nLefebvre, M. (2016). La France et l’Allemagne. Diplomatie, (82), 45-48.\nMaulny, J.-P. (2010). Nicolas Sarkozy et la politique de défense de la France. Revue\ninternationale et stratégique(1), 109-114.\nMaulny, J. P. (2022). Avenir incertain de la coopération franco-britannique en matière\nde défense. Apres-demain, 62(2), 34-36.\nTrouille, J. M. (2018). L’impact du Brexit sur la relation franco-allemande. Allemagne\nd`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 74-84.\n三、 報告\nBaille, L. M. (2019). Les relations de défense nucléaires franco-britanniques après\nle Brexit. In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire\nFrançais de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).\nDeschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume. (2018). La France et l’Allemagne face à la\nrelance de la PSDC après le Brexit: Le retour du moteur franco-allemand ?. hal-01924981\nDeschaux-Dutard, D. (2019b). Le Traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle et la coopération\nfranco-allemande en matière de sécurité et de défense. Paix et sécurité\neuropéenne et internationale(12).\nHoworth, J. (2018). Brexit et défense européenne : vers un deal ambigu ? Politique\nétrangère, Hiver(4), 49-60. doi:10.3917/pe.184.0049\nStark, H. (2019). La France et l’Allemagne face à l’Union européenne. pp. 403-418.\nIn Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire Français de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).\n四、 報紙\nBauer, A. (2016). La défense, sujet de partenariat difficile entre les deux pays. Echos\n(Paris, France).\n五、 網路資源\nMinistère des Armées. (2022, September 30). SCAF – Un chantier en cours, une\nambition intacte. Retrieved from https://www.defense.gouv.fr/actualites/scaf-chantier-cours-ambition-intacte zh_TW dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6814/NCCU202201768 en_US
