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題名 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務—英、德、法之新戰略動態
Post-Brexit EU Common Defence — New Strategic Dynamics among the UK, Germany and France作者 洪聖彥
Hong, Sheng-Yan貢獻者 蘇卓馨
Su, Cho-Hsin
洪聖彥
Hong, Sheng-Yan關鍵詞 歐盟防衛
英國脫歐
歐盟戰略指南
德-法軸心
EU defence
Brexit
EU Strategic Compass
Franco-German axis日期 2022 上傳時間 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) 摘要 2016年以來一連串的國際環境動盪使得歐盟面臨諸多安全挑戰,除了俄羅斯近年愈趨獨斷的行為、美國總統川普上台後受損的跨大西洋關係之外,英國脫歐公投也無疑為歐盟帶來一記沉重的打擊,特別是歐盟共同防務的未來發展,不僅關乎歐洲整體安全,也考驗歐盟整合能否拓展至高階政治層面,使其於國際舞台上扮演更具影響力的角色。有鑑於此,本研究嘗試運用多層次治理作為分析框架。一方面超國家層次雖囿於防衛政策的高度政府間主義而使得影響有限,但透過歐盟執委會、《歐盟戰略指南》的內涵,仍可以觀察歐盟藉由構築歐盟防衛科技與工業基礎(European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, EDTIB)以及共同戰略文化,期望透過整合防衛能力與激勵成員國意願,彌補歐盟因英國離開而造成的巨大防衛實力空缺,同時也把握英國脫歐給予歐盟防衛整合深化的機遇之窗。另一方面,政府間層次聚焦歐洲重要的三大軍事力量-英國、德國和法國於2016年後的戰略動態,包括英國由全球化英國(Global Britain)展示的戰略野心、德國因國際責任上升顯現的戰略轉變以及法國藉歐盟政治重心推崇的戰略自主,這些戰略動向除了體現於他們各具合作與分歧的雙邊防衛關係,也在俄烏戰爭的檢視中得到進一步的印證,因而更具指標性地反映出歐盟共同防務的未來發展。儘管英國脫歐公投至今英-歐防衛關係顯得不甚熱絡,但針對歐洲安全合作仍對雙方具有共同利益;以及,德-法軸心對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策(Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP)的領導,雖然兩國展現出政治合作默契,但戰略願景的根本性分歧與戰略自主的認知差異仍將是未來德、法,乃至於歐盟全體發展歐盟共同防務所需面臨的考驗。
EU has been faced with security challenges since 2016 due to a series of changes and unrest in the international environment, including Russia’s growing assertiveness in recent years, shaky transatlantic alliance after President Trump’s inauguration, and the Brexit referendum, which undoubtedly struck EU a heavy blow, especially to the future EU CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy), or more broladly, EU Common Defence. This topic not only concerns the overall security in Europe but also observes the spillover effect of defence integration towards high politics, where it grants EU an even more influential role on the international stage.In view of the importance of EU common defence, this thesis employs multilevel governance as the main approach. On the one hand, the supranational level, though confined because the defence policy competence tends to be highly intergovernmental, the European Commission and Strategic Compass manages to build EDTIB (European Defence Technological and Industrial Base) and construct a common strategic culture among the member states in order to integrate defence capabilities and encourage member states to develop common defence for EU in post-Brexit era. On the other hand, the intergovernmental level focuses on the new strategic dynamics of the UK, Germany and France, the major military powers in Europe. Ranging from the UK’s strategic ambition from “Global Britain,” Germany’s strategic shift due to the rising international responsibility to France’s strategic autonomy out of building its political centre in the Union, they are not only embodied in their bilateral defence relations after Brexit but also reflected in their responses towards Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Accordingly, this study argues that UK-EU defence relations has been not at all close or optimistic ever since the 2016 Brexit referendum, but cooperation in terms of European security stills brings both sides the mutual interest. 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Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/09/15/remarks-by-president-biden-prime-minister-morrison-of-australia-and-prime-minister-johnson-of-the-united-kingdom-announcing-the-creation-of-aukus/UK Ministry of Defence. (2016, December 16). UK Strengthens Defence Partnershipwith France. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-strengthens-defence-partnership-with-franceUK Ministry of Defence. (2018a, September 30). UK to maintain military presence inGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-to-maintain-military-presence-in-germany#:~:text=Around%20185%20British%20Army%20personnel,of%20presence%20across%20the%20worldUK Ministry of Defence. (2018b, October 5). UK deepens defence cooperation withGermany. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-deepens-defence-cooperation-with-germanyUK Ministry of Defence. (2019, February 28). RAF Brize Norton hosts inaugural UK-Germany Defence Ministerial Council. Retrieved from October 8, 2022, from https://www.gov.uk/government/news/raf-brize-norton-hosts-inaugural-uk-germany-defence-ministerial-council#:~:text=and%20armed%20forces-,RAF%20Brize%20Norton%20hosts%20inaugural%20UK%2DGermany%20Defence%20Ministerial%20Council,to%20countering%20nefarious%20cyber%20activityWorld Bank. (n.d.). Military Expenditure (% of GDP) – European Union. RetrievedOctober 26, 2022 from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS?locations=EU(二) 一般Aboulafia, R. (2022, February 16). Why a franco-german fighter jet is a bad idea.Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/02/15/france-germany-fighter-jet-aviation-industry-europe-middle-east-sales/Amos, J. (2021, January 14). UK industry bids farewell to EU`s Galileo System.Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-55665537Antezza, A., Bushnell, K., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., . . . Trebesch,C. (n.d.). Ukraine support Tracker Data Set. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/publications/data-sets/ukraine-support-tracker-data-17410/Britain blocks proposal for permanent EU Security HQ. (2011, July 18). RetrievedSeptember 16, 2022, from https://www.reuters.com/article/eu-britain-defence-idAFLDE76H0RY20110718Busby M. (2020, February 22). British army hands back last headquarters inGermany. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/22/british-army-hands-back-last-headquarters-germany#:~:text=Catterick%20Barracks%20has%20been%20the,forces%20in%20Germany%20since%202013David Cameron promises in/out referendum on EU. (2013, January 23). 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Retrieved from https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2019/01/22/signature-du-traite-franco-allemand-d-aix-la-chapelleMinistère des Armées. (2017). Revue Stratégique de Défense et de Sécurité Nationale2017. Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/2017-rs-def1018_cle0b6ef5-1.pdfMinistère des Armées. (2021). Actualisation Stratégique 2021. Retrieved fromhttps://www.defense.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/dgris/REVUE%20STRAT%202021%2004%2002%202021%20FR.pdf二、 期刊論文Alcantara, M., & Clamadieu, S. (2018). Brexit: impacts sur le partenariat franco-britannique et la coopération européenne en matière de défense. Revue Defense Nationale, 808(3), 107-112.Bihan, B. (2014). La défense de la France sur la corde raide. DSI (Défense et SécuritéInternationale), (101), 74-83.Borzillo, L. (2018). La France peut-elle compter sur l’Allemagne en cas de besoin deprojection de force?. Les Champs de Mars, (1), 19-26.Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2019c). 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Allemagned`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 74-84.三、 報告Baille, L. M. (2019). Les relations de défense nucléaires franco-britanniques aprèsle Brexit. In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), AnnuaireFrançais de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).Deschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume. (2018). La France et l’Allemagne face à larelance de la PSDC après le Brexit: Le retour du moteur franco-allemand ?. hal-01924981Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2019b). Le Traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle et la coopérationfranco-allemande en matière de sécurité et de défense. Paix et sécuritéeuropéenne et internationale(12).Howorth, J. (2018). Brexit et défense européenne : vers un deal ambigu ? Politiqueétrangère, Hiver(4), 49-60. doi:10.3917/pe.184.0049Stark, H. (2019). La France et l’Allemagne face à l’Union européenne. pp. 403-418.In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire Français de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).四、 報紙Bauer, A. (2016). La défense, sujet de partenariat difficile entre les deux pays. Echos(Paris, France).五、 網路資源Ministère des Armées. (2022, September 30). SCAF – Un chantier en cours, uneambition intacte. Retrieved from https://www.defense.gouv.fr/actualites/scaf-chantier-cours-ambition-intacte 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系
108253007資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108253007 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 蘇卓馨 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Su, Cho-Hsin en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 洪聖彥 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Hong, Sheng-Yan en_US dc.creator (作者) 洪聖彥 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Hong, Sheng-Yan en_US dc.date (日期) 2022 en_US dc.date.accessioned 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 5-Jan-2023 15:17:12 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0108253007 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/142886 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 外交學系 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 108253007 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 2016年以來一連串的國際環境動盪使得歐盟面臨諸多安全挑戰,除了俄羅斯近年愈趨獨斷的行為、美國總統川普上台後受損的跨大西洋關係之外,英國脫歐公投也無疑為歐盟帶來一記沉重的打擊,特別是歐盟共同防務的未來發展,不僅關乎歐洲整體安全,也考驗歐盟整合能否拓展至高階政治層面,使其於國際舞台上扮演更具影響力的角色。有鑑於此,本研究嘗試運用多層次治理作為分析框架。一方面超國家層次雖囿於防衛政策的高度政府間主義而使得影響有限,但透過歐盟執委會、《歐盟戰略指南》的內涵,仍可以觀察歐盟藉由構築歐盟防衛科技與工業基礎(European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, EDTIB)以及共同戰略文化,期望透過整合防衛能力與激勵成員國意願,彌補歐盟因英國離開而造成的巨大防衛實力空缺,同時也把握英國脫歐給予歐盟防衛整合深化的機遇之窗。另一方面,政府間層次聚焦歐洲重要的三大軍事力量-英國、德國和法國於2016年後的戰略動態,包括英國由全球化英國(Global Britain)展示的戰略野心、德國因國際責任上升顯現的戰略轉變以及法國藉歐盟政治重心推崇的戰略自主,這些戰略動向除了體現於他們各具合作與分歧的雙邊防衛關係,也在俄烏戰爭的檢視中得到進一步的印證,因而更具指標性地反映出歐盟共同防務的未來發展。儘管英國脫歐公投至今英-歐防衛關係顯得不甚熱絡,但針對歐洲安全合作仍對雙方具有共同利益;以及,德-法軸心對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策(Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP)的領導,雖然兩國展現出政治合作默契,但戰略願景的根本性分歧與戰略自主的認知差異仍將是未來德、法,乃至於歐盟全體發展歐盟共同防務所需面臨的考驗。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) EU has been faced with security challenges since 2016 due to a series of changes and unrest in the international environment, including Russia’s growing assertiveness in recent years, shaky transatlantic alliance after President Trump’s inauguration, and the Brexit referendum, which undoubtedly struck EU a heavy blow, especially to the future EU CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy), or more broladly, EU Common Defence. This topic not only concerns the overall security in Europe but also observes the spillover effect of defence integration towards high politics, where it grants EU an even more influential role on the international stage.In view of the importance of EU common defence, this thesis employs multilevel governance as the main approach. On the one hand, the supranational level, though confined because the defence policy competence tends to be highly intergovernmental, the European Commission and Strategic Compass manages to build EDTIB (European Defence Technological and Industrial Base) and construct a common strategic culture among the member states in order to integrate defence capabilities and encourage member states to develop common defence for EU in post-Brexit era. On the other hand, the intergovernmental level focuses on the new strategic dynamics of the UK, Germany and France, the major military powers in Europe. Ranging from the UK’s strategic ambition from “Global Britain,” Germany’s strategic shift due to the rising international responsibility to France’s strategic autonomy out of building its political centre in the Union, they are not only embodied in their bilateral defence relations after Brexit but also reflected in their responses towards Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Accordingly, this study argues that UK-EU defence relations has been not at all close or optimistic ever since the 2016 Brexit referendum, but cooperation in terms of European security stills brings both sides the mutual interest. Besides, although the political leadership of Franco-German axis is self-evident, the divergences of the strategic visions as well as the different recognition of Strategic Autonomy between the two, or even the EU as a whole, remain unsolved for the EU common defence. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 1第一節 研究動機與重要性 1第二節 文獻探討 4第三節 研究方法 19第四節 研究限制 21第五節 章節安排 21第二章 歐盟共同防務之背景 23第一節 歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策之歷史發展 23第二節 英、德、法三國對於歐盟共同安全暨防衛政策的影響 34第三節 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務 41第三章 英國脫歐後:英德法三國的交互作用 52第一節 英國與德國:沉默結盟關係之甦醒 52第二節 英國與法國:強大軍事合作之隱憂 59第三節 德國與法國:歐盟統合引擎之重啟 66第四節 小結 72第四章 歐盟共同防務之多層次治理分析 78第一節 歐盟戰略指南 78第二節 歐盟共同防務的多層次治理 86第三節 俄烏戰爭的檢視 94第五章 結論 99第一節 研究發現 99第二節 未來展望 100參考文獻 103壹、 中文部分 103貳、 英文部分 103參、 法文部分 123 zh_TW dc.format.extent 3658481 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0108253007 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 歐盟防衛 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 英國脫歐 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 歐盟戰略指南 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 德-法軸心 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) EU defence en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Brexit en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) EU Strategic Compass en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Franco-German axis en_US dc.title (題名) 英國脫歐後的歐盟共同防務—英、德、法之新戰略動態 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Post-Brexit EU Common Defence — New Strategic Dynamics among the UK, Germany and France en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 壹、 中文部分一、專書吳萬寶(2003)。邁向歐盟建軍之路 :歐盟共同歐洲安全暨防衛政策 / 吳萬寶作。臺北縣:韋伯文化國際出版公司。張迎紅(2011)。歐盟共同安全與防務政策研究 (一版)。北京市:時事。陳麗娟(2013)。里斯本條約後歐洲聯盟新面貌 / 陳麗娟著 (二版)。臺北市:五南。二、期刊論文王振亞(2001)。「法德軍事關係與歐盟共同安全政策」。武漢大學學報(社會科學版),54(2),192-196。doi:10.3969/j.issn.1672-7320.2001.02.009王冀平(2006)。「由法國視角評析戰後初期的法德安全關係」。國際關係學院學報,2006(1),23-27。Guo ji guan xi xue yuan xue bao = Journal of the Institute of International Relations, doi:10.3969/j.issn.1004-3489.2006.01.006甘逸驊(2006)。「歐洲安全與防衛政策的軍事層面:歐盟的全球戰略地位」。問題與研究,45(5)。 doi:10.30390/ISC.200609_45(5).0005甘逸驊(2016)。「里斯本條約架構下的歐盟安全政策合作之嘗試」。東吳政治學報,34(2),61-107。朱耿華(2016)。「英國“脫歐”後歐盟共同安全與防務政策走向分析」。現代軍事,(12),72-74。吳萬寶(2015)。「歐盟高峰會與共同安全暨防衛政策」。全球政治評論,(50),25-47。陳蔚芳(2020)。「德國與歐盟共同防務整合:自由政府間主義的分析」。政治科學論叢,(85),45-90。doi:10.6166/TJPS.202009_(85).0002貳、 英文部分一、官方文件Ayrault J. & Steinmeier F. 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UK industry bids farewell to EU`s Galileo System.Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-55665537Antezza, A., Bushnell, K., Frank, A., Frank, P., Franz, L., Kharitonov, I., . . . Trebesch,C. (n.d.). Ukraine support Tracker Data Set. Retrieved October 27, 2022, from https://www.ifw-kiel.de/publications/data-sets/ukraine-support-tracker-data-17410/Britain blocks proposal for permanent EU Security HQ. (2011, July 18). RetrievedSeptember 16, 2022, from https://www.reuters.com/article/eu-britain-defence-idAFLDE76H0RY20110718Busby M. (2020, February 22). British army hands back last headquarters inGermany. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/22/british-army-hands-back-last-headquarters-germany#:~:text=Catterick%20Barracks%20has%20been%20the,forces%20in%20Germany%20since%202013David Cameron promises in/out referendum on EU. (2013, January 23). 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Retrieved December 27, 2022 from https://www.iiss.org/blogs/military-balance/2022/10/russias-war-and-the-accelerating-pace-of-eu-defence-initiativesNATO. (n.d.). FRANCO-GERMAN BRIGADE. Retrieved October 12, 2022 fromhttps://shape.nato.int/brilliant-jump/media-centre/fact-sheets/francogerman-brigadeRfi. (2022, July 21). UK`s Tempest Fighter Project Soars as European rival remains inlimbo. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.rfi.fr/en/business-and-tech/20220721-uk-s-tempest-fighter-project-soars-as-european-rival-remains-in-limboRussian spy: What happened to Sergei and Yulia Skripal? (2018, September 27).Retrieved September 16, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-43643025Tania L. & Eleni L. (2021, October 7). Where will the EU`s Strategic Compass point?Retrieved October 25, 2022, from https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2021)698057Therrien, A. (2021, September 20). Aukus: France pulls out of UK defence talks amidrow. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-58620220Thisdell, D. (2018, March 8). Brexit throws Anglo-French FCAS programme intodoubt. Retrieved October 11, 2022, from https://www.flightglobal.com/brexit-throws-anglo-french-fcas-programme-into-doubt/127329.articleTran, P. (2019, March 19). MBDA and FCAS: The Brexit Challenge. RetrievedOctober 11, 2022, from https://defense.info/multi-domain-dynamics/2019/03/mbda-and-fcas-the-brexit-challenge/Vincenti, D. (2017, March 7). EU takes first steps towards military HQ. RetrievedMay 20, 2022, from https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/eu-takes-first-steps-towards-military-hq/Whineray, D. (2020, January 23). The Pros and Cons of a European Security Council.Retrieved October 13, 2022, from https://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/80869參、 法文部分一、 官方文件Élysée. (2019). Traité entre La République Française et la République FédéraleD’Allemagne sur la Coopération et L’Intégration Franco-Allemandes. Retrieved from https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2019/01/22/signature-du-traite-franco-allemand-d-aix-la-chapelleMinistère des Armées. (2017). Revue Stratégique de Défense et de Sécurité Nationale2017. Retrieved from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/2017-rs-def1018_cle0b6ef5-1.pdfMinistère des Armées. (2021). Actualisation Stratégique 2021. Retrieved fromhttps://www.defense.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/dgris/REVUE%20STRAT%202021%2004%2002%202021%20FR.pdf二、 期刊論文Alcantara, M., & Clamadieu, S. (2018). Brexit: impacts sur le partenariat franco-britannique et la coopération européenne en matière de défense. Revue Defense Nationale, 808(3), 107-112.Bihan, B. (2014). La défense de la France sur la corde raide. DSI (Défense et SécuritéInternationale), (101), 74-83.Borzillo, L. (2018). La France peut-elle compter sur l’Allemagne en cas de besoin deprojection de force?. Les Champs de Mars, (1), 19-26.Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2019c). 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Allemagned`aujourd`hui, 226(4), 74-84.三、 報告Baille, L. M. (2019). Les relations de défense nucléaires franco-britanniques aprèsle Brexit. In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), AnnuaireFrançais de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).Deschaux-Dutard, D., Deschaux-Beaume. (2018). La France et l’Allemagne face à larelance de la PSDC après le Brexit: Le retour du moteur franco-allemand ?. hal-01924981Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2019b). Le Traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle et la coopérationfranco-allemande en matière de sécurité et de défense. Paix et sécuritéeuropéenne et internationale(12).Howorth, J. (2018). Brexit et défense européenne : vers un deal ambigu ? Politiqueétrangère, Hiver(4), 49-60. doi:10.3917/pe.184.0049Stark, H. (2019). La France et l’Allemagne face à l’Union européenne. pp. 403-418.In Centre Thucydide, Université Panthéon Assas (dir.), Annuaire Français de Relations Internationales (AFRI 2019).四、 報紙Bauer, A. (2016). 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