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題名 中國大陸針對非民主國家外宣之策略：以俄羅斯聯邦爲例
China’s External Propaganda Strategy Towards Non-Democratic Countries: Example of the Russian Federation
作者 周睿淵
Andrei, Dagaev
貢獻者 蔡文軒
Tsai, Wen-hsuan
周睿淵
Dagaev Andrei
關鍵詞 對外宣傳
中俄關係
非民主國家
軟實力
話語權
反華情緒
external propaganda
Russia-China relations
non-democratic countries
soft power
discursive power
anti-China sentiments
日期 2023
上傳時間 2-Aug-2023 14:22:29 (UTC+8)
摘要 本研究旨在探討中國大陸（以下簡稱中國）針對俄羅斯聯邦（以下簡稱俄羅斯）作爲非民主國家的對外宣傳（以下簡稱外宣）策略結構與運作，同時闡述其宣傳戰略的背景與目標。本研究以中國外宣機制為研究對象，探討中國外宣運作原理，如從推廣「軟實力」至爭取「話語權」之變動，且分析中國對民主國家以及非民主國家外宣策略之不同，以釐清其特性的所在。
為了解釋此點，本文先梳理中國十數年以來對俄羅斯採用的外宣工具，包括擴大中方國營媒體在俄羅斯訊息領域上的存在，文化，教育宣傳，以及新型宣傳方針，如「數位外交」。同時，藉由文獻分析以及與相關專家進行深度訪談，驗證中國針對俄羅斯實行外宣策略之正式與實際目標。對此，本研究以「新冠疫情」與「一帶一路」倡議為案例，著重分析中國對非民主國家俄羅斯採取的外宣措施，及其措施如何影響對華態度之效率。
本文發現，中國對俄外宣風格與針對非民主國家實施的外宣風格十分相似，但結構上對俄外宣將對民主與非民主國家兩種外宣之特色結合在一起。具體而言，即使中俄兩國是具有相似政體的友好國家，而中國進行外宣時追求改善其國家形象的目標，實際上其運作以維持形式上的存在為目的。其次，中國對俄外宣策略由於中俄關係特殊性、國際局勢、俄羅斯内部狀況等因素影響而成爲突出的案例。最後，本研究強調，中國在面對實力相當强大的國家時，其外宣系統未能徹底改變對國家之印象，而改善與否取決於其他因素的影響。
總之，透過個案分析結果，本研究主張，中國針對採取獨立立場的國家實施外宣時無法在短期内有效地改變他國對其看法。換言之，中國未能因政治需求而改變他國對中方看法。在結論部分，筆者預測將來中國對俄外宣著重於達到數量運作指標，而外宣質量因政治上的限制將維持原狀。
The study examines the organizational structure and operation of China`s external propagandastrategy towards the Russian Federation as a representative of a non-democratic country, and explains the background and objectives behind its propaganda strategy. The study takes the China’s external propaganda mechanism as the main object and examines the principles of China’s external propaganda operations, including the switch from promoting "soft power" to seeking for international "discursive power". Furthermore, the study analyzes the differences in China’s external propaganda strategies toward democratic and non-democratic countries in order to clarify their unique characteristics.
For achieving this goal, the paper first analyzes the variety of propaganda tools that China has used towards Russia over more than the decade, including expanding the presence of Chinese state-run media in the Russian information sphere, cultural and educational propaganda, and new propaganda approaches such as "digital diplomacy". At the same time, the literature analysis and in-depth interviews with relevant experts are used to verify the formal and real objectives of China`s propaganda strategy towards Russia. The study focuses on China’s propaganda actions towards Russia in common and in certain conditions such as Covid-19 pandemic and the Belt and Road Initiative as case studies. The paper addresses the question how effectively these activities affect the attitudes of russian citizens towards China.
This paper finds that in terms of style, China`s external propaganda towards Russia tends to be more in line with its strategy towards non-democratic countries, but structurally it combines the characteristics of both types of external propaganda. Firstly, even though Russia and China are close and friendly countries with similar political regimes, and China pursues the goal of improving its national image through external propaganda, its actual operations is limitedto maintain a formal presence. Secondly, China`s propaganda strategy towards Russia is a prominent case due to the specificity of Sino-Russian relations, the international factor and Russia`s internal situation. Finally, this study emphasizes that China`s external propaganda operations has not been able to change the perception of China while facing a powerful counterpart, and the improvement of perception depends on the influence of other factors.
In conclusion, the results of the study suggest that China’s external propaganda cannot play a positive role while dealing with countries and publics with independent stance and change perception of China in short term. In other words, China’s external propaganda is not been able to change itself perception in other countries due to the political limitations. Summarizing, the author predicts that in the future China`s external propaganda towards Russia will focus on achieving quantitative operational targets, while the quality of propaganda will remain the same due to political constraints.
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描述 碩士
國立政治大學
東亞研究所
110260021
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0110260021
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 蔡文軒zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Tsai, Wen-hsuanen_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 周睿淵zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Dagaev Andreien_US
dc.creator (作者) 周睿淵zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Andrei, Dagaeven_US
dc.date (日期) 2023en_US
dc.date.accessioned 2-Aug-2023 14:22:29 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 2-Aug-2023 14:22:29 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 2-Aug-2023 14:22:29 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0110260021en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/146649-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 東亞研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 110260021zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本研究旨在探討中國大陸（以下簡稱中國）針對俄羅斯聯邦（以下簡稱俄羅斯）作爲非民主國家的對外宣傳（以下簡稱外宣）策略結構與運作，同時闡述其宣傳戰略的背景與目標。本研究以中國外宣機制為研究對象，探討中國外宣運作原理，如從推廣「軟實力」至爭取「話語權」之變動，且分析中國對民主國家以及非民主國家外宣策略之不同，以釐清其特性的所在。
為了解釋此點，本文先梳理中國十數年以來對俄羅斯採用的外宣工具，包括擴大中方國營媒體在俄羅斯訊息領域上的存在，文化，教育宣傳，以及新型宣傳方針，如「數位外交」。同時，藉由文獻分析以及與相關專家進行深度訪談，驗證中國針對俄羅斯實行外宣策略之正式與實際目標。對此，本研究以「新冠疫情」與「一帶一路」倡議為案例，著重分析中國對非民主國家俄羅斯採取的外宣措施，及其措施如何影響對華態度之效率。
本文發現，中國對俄外宣風格與針對非民主國家實施的外宣風格十分相似，但結構上對俄外宣將對民主與非民主國家兩種外宣之特色結合在一起。具體而言，即使中俄兩國是具有相似政體的友好國家，而中國進行外宣時追求改善其國家形象的目標，實際上其運作以維持形式上的存在為目的。其次，中國對俄外宣策略由於中俄關係特殊性、國際局勢、俄羅斯内部狀況等因素影響而成爲突出的案例。最後，本研究強調，中國在面對實力相當强大的國家時，其外宣系統未能徹底改變對國家之印象，而改善與否取決於其他因素的影響。
總之，透過個案分析結果，本研究主張，中國針對採取獨立立場的國家實施外宣時無法在短期内有效地改變他國對其看法。換言之，中國未能因政治需求而改變他國對中方看法。在結論部分，筆者預測將來中國對俄外宣著重於達到數量運作指標，而外宣質量因政治上的限制將維持原狀。		zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) The study examines the organizational structure and operation of China`s external propagandastrategy towards the Russian Federation as a representative of a non-democratic country, and explains the background and objectives behind its propaganda strategy. The study takes the China’s external propaganda mechanism as the main object and examines the principles of China’s external propaganda operations, including the switch from promoting "soft power" to seeking for international "discursive power". Furthermore, the study analyzes the differences in China’s external propaganda strategies toward democratic and non-democratic countries in order to clarify their unique characteristics.
For achieving this goal, the paper first analyzes the variety of propaganda tools that China has used towards Russia over more than the decade, including expanding the presence of Chinese state-run media in the Russian information sphere, cultural and educational propaganda, and new propaganda approaches such as "digital diplomacy". At the same time, the literature analysis and in-depth interviews with relevant experts are used to verify the formal and real objectives of China`s propaganda strategy towards Russia. The study focuses on China’s propaganda actions towards Russia in common and in certain conditions such as Covid-19 pandemic and the Belt and Road Initiative as case studies. The paper addresses the question how effectively these activities affect the attitudes of russian citizens towards China.
This paper finds that in terms of style, China`s external propaganda towards Russia tends to be more in line with its strategy towards non-democratic countries, but structurally it combines the characteristics of both types of external propaganda. Firstly, even though Russia and China are close and friendly countries with similar political regimes, and China pursues the goal of improving its national image through external propaganda, its actual operations is limitedto maintain a formal presence. Secondly, China`s propaganda strategy towards Russia is a prominent case due to the specificity of Sino-Russian relations, the international factor and Russia`s internal situation. Finally, this study emphasizes that China`s external propaganda operations has not been able to change the perception of China while facing a powerful counterpart, and the improvement of perception depends on the influence of other factors.
In conclusion, the results of the study suggest that China’s external propaganda cannot play a positive role while dealing with countries and publics with independent stance and change perception of China in short term. In other words, China’s external propaganda is not been able to change itself perception in other countries due to the political limitations. Summarizing, the author predicts that in the future China`s external propaganda towards Russia will focus on achieving quantitative operational targets, while the quality of propaganda will remain the same due to political constraints.		en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents 第壹章，緒論 5
第一節 研究背景、動機與目的 5
第二節 文獻回顧與探討 9
第三節 研究方法與架構 14
第四節 研究範圍與章節安排 17
第貳章 中國外宣政策理論與實踐基礎 19
第一節 中國外宣體系運作原理，「軟實力」與 「話語權」方針之形成 19
第二節 中國對民主與非民主國家外宣政策之內容與 操作方式 28
第三節 中國對俄宣傳體系結構與運作特徵 48
第參章 個案一、新冠肺炎疫情下的中國 對俄外宣方針 63
第一節 疫情期間對俄外宣主要論述與應對社會指責的方式 63
第二節 中國公共外交與外宣體系在新興環境下所發生的 變遷：個人化與數位化 73
第三節 探討中國對俄外宣政策在疫情情況下之有效性 80
第肆章 個案二、中國對俄外宣與「一帶一路」 倡議的推行 85
第一節 中俄關係中的「一帶一路」議題 85
第二節 中國在俄傳播「一帶一路」相關價值之實踐 91
第三節 中國對俄「一帶一路」相關宣傳之效率與同 周邊國家之比照 98
第伍章 結論 101
第一節 研究發現 101
第二節 中國對俄外宣未來發展 106
參考文獻 108
中文部分 108
英文部分 110
俄文部分 122
附錄 130
附錄一：深度訪談逐字稿 130		zh_TW
dc.format.extent 3739150 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0110260021en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 對外宣傳zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中俄關係zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 非民主國家zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 軟實力zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 話語權zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 反華情緒zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) external propagandaen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Russia-China relationsen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) non-democratic countriesen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) soft poweren_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) discursive poweren_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) anti-China sentimentsen_US
dc.title (題名) 中國大陸針對非民主國家外宣之策略：以俄羅斯聯邦爲例zh_TW
dc.title (題名) China’s External Propaganda Strategy Towards Non-Democratic Countries: Example of the Russian Federationen_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen_US
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