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題名 從中國大陸治港政策的實施論香港人自我認同之變化
How has China’s Hong Kong Policy influenced Hong Kongers’identification?
作者 顏呈祐
Yen, Cheng-Yu
貢獻者 蔡中民
顏呈祐
Yen, Cheng-Yu
關鍵詞 香港
本土主義
認同
北京當局
Hong Kong
Localism
Recognition
Chinese Government
日期 2023
上傳時間 1-Feb-2024 11:15:05 (UTC+8)
摘要 2019年的反修例運動事件,表面上是為了撤回《逃犯條例》的修改以保障香港人的言論自由與行動自由的事件,實際上,卻同時隱含了「中港矛盾」之間的問題。 這個矛盾,從《香港民意研究所》當中的認同問題方面,就可以發現。根據《香港民意研究所》的統計,在2008年6月的時候,香港人的中國人認同達到38.6%,相較之下,在當時,香港人認同卻只有18.1%,然而,到了10年後的2018年6月,香港認為自己使中國人的認同下跌到17.8%,反觀香港人認同上升到了40.7%。 為何會有如此的改變?早在2003年反對23條立法的七一遊行的時候,就已經可以看到了香港人和北京當局之間的矛盾。對於香港人來說,自由民主以及維持港英政府的生活方式是他們的基本價值,然而,對於北京當局來說,卻是要避免香港變成「顛覆中央」的基地,尤其在1989年六四事件之後,由於香港人強力的聲援,也讓北京當局對於政權會因為香港而被顛覆的擔憂上升。如此的矛盾,變成了北京當局與香港人之間的矛盾的根源。而這個矛盾又是如何進一步發展成本土認同?就是本研究需要進行觀察的部分,觀察北京當局對於香港的政策如何影響香港人的認同轉變。 本研究從歷史分析、個案分析以及關鍵字分析這三個分析當中,瞭解了香港人對於北京當局的態度背景,北京當局對於香港的政策對香港人認同的影響以及香港人的認同轉變之後,會有什麼不同的反應,藉此了解香港人在回歸後到現在的認同如何從「建設民主中華」逐漸轉向「本土認同」,以及轉向本土認同之後,對於各種不同事件的反應變化。
In the surface, the protest in Hong Kong between 2019 and 2020 is protest to the revise of Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation Amendment Bill because it will influence the freedom speech and the freedom of movement. However, it also featured the problem about the complex between Beijing Administration (Chinese Government) and Hong Kong. This method also features in the opinion polls. According to the opinion polls by Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute (HKPORI), in June 2008, Chinese Recognition in Hong Kong was 38.6%, Hongkonger Recognition in Hong Kong was only 18.1%, however, in 10 years later, June 2018, Chinese recognition decreased to 17.8%, Hongkonger recognition increased to 40.2%. Why did the recognition in Hong Kong had this tremendous change? It seems to come from the complex between Chinese Government and Hongkongers. In fact, in the protest about the legislation of Basic Law Article 23, the complex had appeared. To Hongkongers, liberty and democracy are the fundamental value to them, furthermore, they also want to sustain the way of life in British rule. To Chinese Government, they fear about Hong Kong become the basis of overthrow them, especially the support about Hongkongers in 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests. These two powers made the complex about Chinese Government and Hongkongers. The research will observe how the complex between Chinese Government and Hongkongers make the localism in Hong Kong rises. The research will describe the reason of Hongkonger’s identity, Chinese Government’s attitude toward Hongkongers and how Hongkongers identity change to response the similar identity toward localism, and what response about them. It can see Hongkonger’s identity change from “Establish Chinese Democracy” to “Localism” after the handover of Hong Kong in 1997.
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Bonny Ibhawoh. 2010. “Beyond Instrumentalism and Constructivism: Reconceptualizing Ethnic Identities in Africa” Humanities Today 1(1): 220-230. Chan Chi Kit. 2014.“China as “Other”—Resistance to and Ambivalence Toward National Identity in Hong Kong.” Open Edition Journals 2014/1: 25-34. Clement Tsz Ming Tong. 2016. “The Hong Kong Week of 1967 and the Emergence of Hong Kong Identity Through Contradistinction.” Publication Details 56: 40-66. Elaine Chan. 2000. “Defining Fellow Compatriots as ‘Others’—National Identity in Hong Kong.” Cambridge Press. Government and Opposition Cambridge Press. 35(4): 499-519. Gordan Mathews. 2001. “A Collision of Discourses: Japanese and Hong Kong Chinese During the Diaoyu/Senkaku Island Crisis.” In Harumi Befu and Sylvie Guichard-Anguis, eds. Globalizing Japan–Ethnography of the Japanese Presence in Asia, Europe, and America: 154. Henry E. Hale. 2004. “Explaining ethnicity.” Comparative Political Studies 37(4): 458-485. 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Muñoz, J., & Guinjoan, M. 2013. “Accounting for internal variation in nationalist mobilization:unofficial referendums for independence in Catalonia (2009–11).” Nations and Nationalism 19(1): 44–67. Omar Dahbour. 2002. “National Identity: An Argument for the Strict Definition.” Public Affairs Quarterly 16(1): 17-37. Rowe, William T. 2002. “Social Stability and Social Change.” In Willard J. Peterson, ed., Cambridge History of China: Mid-Ching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 473-562. Sebastian Veg. 2017. “The Rise of ‘Localism’ and Civic Identity in Post-Handover Hong Kong: Questioning the Chinese Nation-State.” The China Quarterly 230: 323-347. Siu, Halen F., and Liu Zhiwei. 2006. “Lineage, Market, Pirate, and Dan: Ethnicity in the Peral River Delta of South China.” In Pamela Kyle Crossley, Helen Siu, and Donald Sutton, eds. Empire at the Margins: Culture Ethnicity, and Frontier in Early Modern China: 285-310. Berkeley: University of California Press. Siu-lun Chow, King-wa Fu & Yu-Leung Ng. 2020. “Development of the Hong Kong Identity Scale: Differentiation Between Hong Kong ‘locals’ and Mainland Chinese in Cultural and Civic Domain.” Journal of Contemporary China 124: 568-584. Tajfel, H. 1974. “Social identity and intergroup behaviour.” Social Science Information/sur les sciences sociales 13(2): 65-93. Tajfel, H. 1979. “Individuals and groups in social psychology.” British Journal of Social Psychology 18: 183-190. Tajfel, H. and Turner, J.C. 1986. “The Social Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior.” Worchel, S. and Austin, W.G., Eds. Psychology of Intergroup Relation: 7-24. Chicago: Hall Publishers. Tom Mullen. 2014. “The Scottish Independence Referendum 2014.” Journal of Law and Society 41(4): 627-640. Yew Chiew Ping and Kwong King-Ming. 2014. “Hong Kong Identity on the Rise.” Asian Survey 54(6): 1088-1112. Ying-Ho Kwong. 2016. “The Growth of ‘Localism ’in Hong Kong a New Path for the Democracy Movement?” China Perspectives 2016(3):63-68. 英文書籍: Anthony D. Smith. 1981. The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anthony D. Smith. 1986. The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Blackwell Publishing. Anthony D. Smith. 1991. National Identity. Penguin. Benedict Anderson. 1983. Imaginary Communities. New York: Verso. Gellner, Earnest. 1964. Thought and Change. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Josep Maria Fradera. 2003. Cultura nacional en una sociedad dividida: Cataluña, 1838-1868. Madrid: Marcial Pons, Ediciones de Historia. 英文網路資料: BBC. 2008. Protests cut short Olympic relay. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7334545.stm. (Accessed on June 6, 2023) CBC. 2008. San Francisco torch relay no 'joyous party' but IOC relieved. https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/san-francisco-torch-relay-no-joyous-party-but-ioc-relieved-1.748613. (Accessed on June 8, 2023) Ivan Serrano. 2014. “The Evolution of the Political Discourse in Catalonia 2003-2014: From Self-Government to Self-Determination.”IN3, Open University of Catalonia: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ivan-Serrano-3/publication/267858687_The_evolution_of_the_political_discourse_in_Catalonia_2003-2014_From_Self-government_to_Self-determination/links/545b4ac70cf2c46f6643f920/The-evolution-of-the-political-discourse-in-Catalonia-2003-2014-From-Self-government-to-Self-determination.pdf. (Accessed on May 7, 2023) The Australian. 2008. Human torch fear in Delhi protests. https://web.archive.org/web/20080413013212/http:/www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,23524744-2703,00.html. (Accessed on June 9, 2023)
描述 碩士
國立政治大學
政治學系
109252004
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0109252004
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 蔡中民zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 顏呈祐zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Yen, Cheng-Yuen_US
dc.creator (作者) 顏呈祐zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Yen, Cheng-Yuen_US
dc.date (日期) 2023en_US
dc.date.accessioned 1-Feb-2024 11:15:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 1-Feb-2024 11:15:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-Feb-2024 11:15:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0109252004en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/149555-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 政治學系zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 109252004zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 2019年的反修例運動事件,表面上是為了撤回《逃犯條例》的修改以保障香港人的言論自由與行動自由的事件,實際上,卻同時隱含了「中港矛盾」之間的問題。 這個矛盾,從《香港民意研究所》當中的認同問題方面,就可以發現。根據《香港民意研究所》的統計,在2008年6月的時候,香港人的中國人認同達到38.6%,相較之下,在當時,香港人認同卻只有18.1%,然而,到了10年後的2018年6月,香港認為自己使中國人的認同下跌到17.8%,反觀香港人認同上升到了40.7%。 為何會有如此的改變?早在2003年反對23條立法的七一遊行的時候,就已經可以看到了香港人和北京當局之間的矛盾。對於香港人來說,自由民主以及維持港英政府的生活方式是他們的基本價值,然而,對於北京當局來說,卻是要避免香港變成「顛覆中央」的基地,尤其在1989年六四事件之後,由於香港人強力的聲援,也讓北京當局對於政權會因為香港而被顛覆的擔憂上升。如此的矛盾,變成了北京當局與香港人之間的矛盾的根源。而這個矛盾又是如何進一步發展成本土認同?就是本研究需要進行觀察的部分,觀察北京當局對於香港的政策如何影響香港人的認同轉變。 本研究從歷史分析、個案分析以及關鍵字分析這三個分析當中,瞭解了香港人對於北京當局的態度背景,北京當局對於香港的政策對香港人認同的影響以及香港人的認同轉變之後,會有什麼不同的反應,藉此了解香港人在回歸後到現在的認同如何從「建設民主中華」逐漸轉向「本土認同」,以及轉向本土認同之後,對於各種不同事件的反應變化。zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) In the surface, the protest in Hong Kong between 2019 and 2020 is protest to the revise of Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation Amendment Bill because it will influence the freedom speech and the freedom of movement. However, it also featured the problem about the complex between Beijing Administration (Chinese Government) and Hong Kong. This method also features in the opinion polls. According to the opinion polls by Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute (HKPORI), in June 2008, Chinese Recognition in Hong Kong was 38.6%, Hongkonger Recognition in Hong Kong was only 18.1%, however, in 10 years later, June 2018, Chinese recognition decreased to 17.8%, Hongkonger recognition increased to 40.2%. Why did the recognition in Hong Kong had this tremendous change? It seems to come from the complex between Chinese Government and Hongkongers. In fact, in the protest about the legislation of Basic Law Article 23, the complex had appeared. To Hongkongers, liberty and democracy are the fundamental value to them, furthermore, they also want to sustain the way of life in British rule. To Chinese Government, they fear about Hong Kong become the basis of overthrow them, especially the support about Hongkongers in 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests. These two powers made the complex about Chinese Government and Hongkongers. The research will observe how the complex between Chinese Government and Hongkongers make the localism in Hong Kong rises. The research will describe the reason of Hongkonger’s identity, Chinese Government’s attitude toward Hongkongers and how Hongkongers identity change to response the similar identity toward localism, and what response about them. It can see Hongkonger’s identity change from “Establish Chinese Democracy” to “Localism” after the handover of Hong Kong in 1997.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機 1 第二節 研究方法 4 第三節 研究單位、自變數、依變數與控制變數 5 第二章 文獻回顧與研究理論設 9 第一節 文獻回顧 9 第二節 認同理論:原生論與工具論 22 第三節 認同理論與香港認同的形成 26 第四節 研究假設 31 第三章 香港認同轉變的歷史分析 32 第一節 戰前的香港:從中華帝國的邊陲到大英帝國的邊陲 32 第二節 國共鬥爭下的港英政府:雙十暴動、逃港與六七暴動 34 第三節 麥理浩時代與回歸前的香港 38 第四節 回歸後的香港:七一遊行與港澳自由行、CEPA 43 第五節 抗議高峰期與本土意識的興起:2008年以後的香港 48 第六節 你的香港不是你的香港:不同世代的香港認同 59 第四章 香港本土認同上升的個案分析 65 第一節 香港「本土派」的興起 66 第二節 香港民主派對中國少數民族態度之轉變 77 第三節 香港人對於「港澳個人遊」政策的態度轉變 85 第四節 客居台灣香港人之香港認同的轉變 92 第五節 小結 101 第五章 關鍵字搜尋與港人認同轉變 104 第一節 分析方法與數據來源 104 第二節 政治因素的分析 105 第三節 經濟政策的分析 120 第四節 小結 130 第六章 結論 133 參考文獻 141 附錄一 147 附錄二 160 附錄三 162zh_TW
dc.format.extent 4141834 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0109252004en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 香港zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 本土主義zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 認同zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 北京當局zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Hong Kongen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Localismen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Recognitionen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Chinese Governmenten_US
dc.title (題名) 從中國大陸治港政策的實施論香港人自我認同之變化zh_TW
dc.title (題名) How has China’s Hong Kong Policy influenced Hong Kongers’identification?en_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen_US
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