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題名 論台灣閩南語V-kah結構中的空補語
On the Null Complement of Taiwanese V-kah Constructions
作者 許評翔
Hsu, Ping-Hsiang
貢獻者 陳奕勳
Chen, Yi-Hsun
許評翔
Hsu, Ping-Hsiang
關鍵詞 台語
V-kah結構
空補語
深層迴指
指示詞
高程度義
V-kah construction
Null complement
Deep anaphora
Demonstratives
High degree sense
日期 2024
上傳時間 4-Sep-2024 16:03:40 (UTC+8)
摘要 　　　這篇論文主要在研究台灣V-kah結構中的空補語，並且旨在討論台語中此種獨特結構的句法特性、句法地位和語意解讀。根據過往學者，如Yang (2010)的論點顯示，空補語是直接從它的明示形式衍生出來的，且兩者都需具有極高程度義，因此這個空補語被認為應該分析成子句或是名詞的代形式(Pro)，因為台語是一個省略式語言，可以從上下文或話語中幫助復原該代形式。而另一位學者Lin (2022)則提出另一個主張，認為台語V-kah結構的空補語應該被視為一種深層迴指，因為它符合Depiante (2000)所提出關於深層迴指的三個標準，並且具有由Huang (1991)所定義之空白詞的句法地位。然而，在我的分析中，我支持空補語是深層迴指的這種說法，因為它同時允許句法和語用的控制，也同時不能包含缺失的先行詞，並且不需要與其先行詞保持句法上的平行性，但除此之外，另一個標準應該也被加入，以檢查V-kah結構下的空補語是否確實是深層迴指，即當後方子句中，相關名詞為[-β]時，深層迴指應該依然能夠得到鬆散語意的解讀。因此，我將兩個不同的情境分開探討，即為有無語言性質先行詞的出現，在這兩種情況下，我發現V-kah結構中的空補語皆符合上述的四個標準，因此可以確認無論在有無先行詞的情況下，V-kah結構中的空補語應該也屬於一種深層迴指。 　　　而之後這樣的空補語進一步的被認為與它的明示形式不同，並且應該要被分析為具有程度用法的空指示詞(null demonstrative)，以實現Yang (2010)提到V-kah結構都必須要具有極高程度義。採取空指示詞這樣的分析方式是因為空補語被認為在語意上就像由’anadeixis’，也就是指示詞當中同時具有指示性及迴指性的過渡階段(Cornish, 2007)所組成的名詞性補語，只是在句法上的表現形式為空。因此我主張V-kah結構中的空補語就像一個看不見的’anne’，因為’anne’是台語中的一個特殊指示詞，能夠以同樣的構詞形式在台語中表現程度、種類和方式。另外，當處於語用控制下時，這個空指示詞既可以是話語指示用法，也可以是迴指用法；但在句法控制下，它只能夠得到迴指用法的解讀。之後，在我的分析中，藉由Anderson（2015）和Kratzer（1996）所提出的概念，我探討了台語V-kah結構中的空補語語意解讀並分別演示了話語指示用法及迴指用法在句子中的語意組合過程。而-kah在此結構中具有相當特殊的地位，構詞上，它當作一種後綴 並附著到前方的詞彙上以形成主要謂語，句法上則引介出後方程度補語，即為前部分所討論的anne以指涉某事件的程度狀態(degree-state-kind)，語意上-kah用來連接前方詞彙和後方程度補語的語意，並對涉入的事件論元進行語意上的規範，要求其具有高程度義。 　　　總結來說，這篇論文主要在探討台灣閩南語中V-kah結構及其空補語。在過去的研究中，並沒有對於此結構及其補語有一套統一的分析。因此，本論文的主要貢獻在於將隱性補語和顯性補語分成兩類不同的結構，說明空補語是一種深層迴指並具有指涉程度之空指示詞的句法地位，並清晰地呈現空補語及整個V-kah結構語義組合的過程。除此之外，本篇論文也闡述了-kah在此結構中的重要地位，並提出一個對於台灣閩南語中V-kah結構及其空補語一致且完整的分析方式。但本篇論文有些不足之處仍尚待釐清及解決，包括對於程度補語的界定以及對於空指示詞的句法地位及存在與否，因此，也希望未來能有更多關於台語V-kah結構，尤其是在空補語上的研究能出現，以補足本篇論文不足之處，也使對於此結構的分析能夠更加深入且完整。
　　　This thesis investigates the null complement in Taiwanese V-kah constructions. The discussions focus on the syntactic properties, status, and semantic compositions of this unique structure. It is argued by Yang (2010) that the null complement is derived from the overt form, both of which bear the high degree. Moreover, this null complement should be analyzed as a CP/NP Pro because Taiwanese is a pro-drop language so it can be recovered from the context or discourse. Another claim proposed by Lin (2022) suggests Taiwanese null clausal complement is deep anaphora because it fits three criteria raised by Depiante (2000) and has the syntactic status of null epithet. However, another standard proposed by Hoji (2003) should be added into the examination: deep anaphors still acquires sloppy reading no matter when relevant NP is [-β] or [+β]. Then, two conditions are separated apart: with linguistic antecedent and without linguistic antecedent, and it is found out that in both conditions the null complement matches these four criteria so it is confirmed as a type of deep anaphora. 　　　Furthermore, this null complement is analyzed as a null demonstrative with degree use to realize the high degree because it behaves like a DP complement composed of ‘anadeixis’ (Cornish, 2007) but syntactically remains null. It is accordingly asserted that the null complement is represented by an invisible ‘anne’ because ‘anne’ can function as a MQD demonstrative (König & Umbach, 2018) in Taiwanese and refers to degree in V-kah construction. Besides, this null demonstrative can be both discourse-deictic use and anaphoric use under pragmatic control while it has only anaphoric reading under syntactic control. Then, the semantic compositions of null ‘anne’ and entire V-kah structures with two different uses are comprehensively demonstrated via the concepts proposed by Anderson (2015) and Kratzer (1996). Specifically, -kah plays a significant role in this structure. Morphologically, it is a suffix attaching to the preceding predicate, syntactically takes a degree complement presented by ‘anne’, and semantically connecting the preceding predicate with the degree complement, requiring the involved eventuality argument (an instantiation of a state-kind) to have the degree which is higher than the contextually-salient standard. 　　　To summarize, this thesis aims to exploring V-kah construction in Taiwan Southern Min and its null complement. In previous studies, there is no unified analysis of this special structure and its complement. Therefore, the main contribution of this thesis is to differentiate the null complement from overt one, proclaim that this null complement is deep anaphora and a null demonstrative referring to degree, and clearly elucidate the semantic composition of the null complement and entire V-kah constructions. Moreover, this thesis further explains the significant status of -kah and proposes a relatively consistent and comprehensive analysis of Taiwanese V-kah construction and its null complement. There are still some shortcomings in this thesis, including the definition of degree complement and the uncertain existence of null demonstrative. Hence, it is also anticipated that more studies of V-kah structure, particularly on null complement can be made, to make up for the deficiencies of this thesis and complete the thorough analysis of this unique structure.
參考文獻 Ahn, D. (2022). Indirectly direct: An account of demonstratives and pointing. Linguistics and Philosophy, 45(6), 1345–1393. Anderson, Curt & Marcin Morzycki. (2015). Degrees as kinds. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Bühler, K. (1982). The deictic field of language and deictic words. Extracts in English from Bühler (1934). In Jarvella & Klein (eds.), 12-28. Bouton, Lawrence F. (1970). Do so: do + adverb. In Studies presented to Robert B. Lees by his students, eds. J. Sadock and A. Vanek, 1738. Edmonton: Linguistics Research, Inc. Blumberg, K. H. (2020). Demonstratives, definite descriptions and non-redundancy. Philosophical Studies, 177, 39–64. Chomsky, N. (1981). Lectures on Government and Binding, Dordrecht, Foris. Chierchia, G. (1998). Reference to kinds across languages. Natural Language Semantics 6(4), 339–405. Cornish, F. (1999). Anaphora, Discourse and Understanding. Evidence from English and French. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Cornish, F. (2007). English Demonstratives: Discourse Deixis and Anaphora. A Discourse-Pragmatic Account. HAL Science. Cresswell, M. J. (1976). The semantics of degree. In Barbara H. Partee (ed.), Montague Grammar, pp. 261–292. Academic Press, New York. Davidson, D. (1967). The logical form of action sentences. In Nicholas Rescher (ed.), The Logic of Decision and Action, pp. 81–95. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh. Republished in Donald Davidson, 1980. Essays on Actions and Events. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Dalrymple, M. (2005). Against reconstruction in ellipsis. Ellipsis and nonsentential speech, 31–55. Dordrecht: Springer. Depiante, M. A. (2000). The syntax of deep and surface anaphora: A study of null complement anaphora and stripping/bare argument ellipsis. Storrs, CT: University of Connecticut dissertation. Doetjes, J.S. (1997). Quantifiers and Selection: On the distribution of quantifying expressions in French, Dutch and English. PhD dissertation, Leiden University. Ehlich, K. (1982). Anaphora and deixis: same, similar, or different? In Jarvella & Klein (eds.), 315-338. Elbourne, P. (2008). Demonstratives as individual concepts. Linguistics and Philosophy, 31, 409–466. Elbourne, P. (2013). Definite descriptions. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Elbourne, P. (2005). Situations and individuals. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Fiengo, Robert, and Robert May. (1994). Indices and Identity. Cambridge: MIT Press. Fillmore, C.J. (1997). Lectures on Deixis. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Grinder, J., and P. Postal, 1971 "Missing Antecedents," Linguistic Inquiry 2, 269-312. Hankamer, Jorge & Ivan Sag. (1976). Deep and surface anaphora. Linguistic Inquiry 7. 391–426. Himmelmann,N.P. (1996).Demonstratives in narrative discourse: A taxonomy of universal uses. In B. Fox (Ed.), Studies in anaphora (pp. 205–245). New York: John Benjamins Publishing. Hoji, H. (2003). Surface and deep anaphora, sloppy identity, and experiments in syntax. Anaphora: A reference guide, 172–236. Oxford: Blackwell. Houser, M. (2010). The syntax and semantics of do so anaphora (dissertation). The Syntax and Semantics of Do So Anaphora. Berkeley, CA. Huang, C.-T. J. (1982). Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar. Doctoral Dissertation, CA, MIT dissertation. Huang, C.-T. J. (1984). On the Distribution and Reference of Empty Pronouns. Linguistic Inquiry 15, 531-575. Huang, C.-T. J. (1987). Remarks on Empty Categories in Chinese. Linguistic Inquiry 18, 321-337. Huang, C.-T. J. (1988). Wo pao de kuai and Chinese phrase structure. Language 64.2: 274-311. Huang, C.-T. J. (1989). Pro Drop in Chinese: A generalized Control Theory. In Jaeggli, O. and Safir, K. (Eds.), The Null Subject Parameter, Kluwer, Dordrecht. Huang, C.-T. J. (1991). Remarks on the Status of the Null Object. In Freidin, R. (Eds.), Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar, Cambridge, MIT Press. Huang, C.-T. J. (2006). Resultatives and Unaccusatives: a Parametric View. Bulletin of the Chinese Linguistic Society of Japan 253: 1-43 König, E., & Umbach, C. (2018). Demonstratives of manner, of quality and of degree. Atypical Demonstratives, 285–328. Kratzer, A. (1996). Severing the external argument from its verb. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 109–137. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8617-7_5 Landman, M. (2006). Variables in natural language. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts Amherst. Landman, Meredith and Marcin Morzycki. (2003). Event-kinds and the representation of manner. In Proceedings of the Western Conference on Linguistics 2002, eds. N. Mae Antrim, G. Goodall, M. Schulte-Nafeh, and V. Samiian, 101111. Fresno: California State University. Lasnik, H. (1976). Remarks on Coreference. Linguistic Analysis 2:1-22. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. (2005). Shenglüe yu chengfen queshi [Ellipsis and missing objects]. Yuyan Kexue [Linguistic sciences] 4(2). 3–19. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. (2014). Born empty. Lingua 151. 43–68. Lin, H.-L. (2003). Postverbal Secondary Predicates in Taiwanese. Taiwan Journal of Linguistics 1, 65-94. Lin, H.-L. (2022). On the syntax of null clausal complements in Taiwan southern min. Studies in Chinese Linguistics, 43(1), 21–37. Kaplan, D. (1989). Demonstratives: An essay on the semantics, logic, metaphysics, and epistemology of demonstratives and other indexicals. In J. Almog, J. Perry, & H. Wettstein (Eds.), Themes from Kaplan (pp. 481–563). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Marantz, A. P. (1986). On the nature of grammatical relations. Language, 62(3), 674. Maclaran, R. (1980). On two asymmetrical uses of the demonstrative determiner in English. Journal of Linguistics 18: 803-820. Nowak, E. (2019). Complex demonstratives, hidden arguments, and presupposition. Synthese, 198, 2865-2900. Rappaport, M., & Levin, B. (1988). What to do with θ-roles. Thematic Relations, 7–36. Roberts,C. (2002). Demonstratives as definite. In K.von Deemter &R.Kibble(Eds.), Information sharing: Reference and presupposition in language generation and interpretation (pp. 89–196). Stanford, CA: CSLI Press. Webber, B-L. (1991). Structure and ostension in the interpretation of discourse deixis. Language and Cognitive Processes 6(2): 107-135 Williams, E. (1981). Argument structure and morphology. The Linguistic Review, 1(1). https://doi.org/10.1515/tlir.1981.1.1.81 Wolter, L. (2006). That’s that: The semantics and pragmatics of demonstrative noun phrases. Doctoral dissertation, University of California Santa Cruz. Yang, Ching-yu. (2010). The null complement in the Taiwanese kah construction Hsinchu: National Chiao Tung University MA thesis.
描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
110555004
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0110555004
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 陳奕勳zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Chen, Yi-Hsunen_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 許評翔zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Hsu, Ping-Hsiangen_US
dc.creator (作者) 許評翔zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Hsu, Ping-Hsiangen_US
dc.date (日期) 2024en_US
dc.date.accessioned 4-Sep-2024 16:03:40 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 4-Sep-2024 16:03:40 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 4-Sep-2024 16:03:40 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0110555004en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/153554-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 110555004zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 　　　這篇論文主要在研究台灣V-kah結構中的空補語，並且旨在討論台語中此種獨特結構的句法特性、句法地位和語意解讀。根據過往學者，如Yang (2010)的論點顯示，空補語是直接從它的明示形式衍生出來的，且兩者都需具有極高程度義，因此這個空補語被認為應該分析成子句或是名詞的代形式(Pro)，因為台語是一個省略式語言，可以從上下文或話語中幫助復原該代形式。而另一位學者Lin (2022)則提出另一個主張，認為台語V-kah結構的空補語應該被視為一種深層迴指，因為它符合Depiante (2000)所提出關於深層迴指的三個標準，並且具有由Huang (1991)所定義之空白詞的句法地位。然而，在我的分析中，我支持空補語是深層迴指的這種說法，因為它同時允許句法和語用的控制，也同時不能包含缺失的先行詞，並且不需要與其先行詞保持句法上的平行性，但除此之外，另一個標準應該也被加入，以檢查V-kah結構下的空補語是否確實是深層迴指，即當後方子句中，相關名詞為[-β]時，深層迴指應該依然能夠得到鬆散語意的解讀。因此，我將兩個不同的情境分開探討，即為有無語言性質先行詞的出現，在這兩種情況下，我發現V-kah結構中的空補語皆符合上述的四個標準，因此可以確認無論在有無先行詞的情況下，V-kah結構中的空補語應該也屬於一種深層迴指。 　　　而之後這樣的空補語進一步的被認為與它的明示形式不同，並且應該要被分析為具有程度用法的空指示詞(null demonstrative)，以實現Yang (2010)提到V-kah結構都必須要具有極高程度義。採取空指示詞這樣的分析方式是因為空補語被認為在語意上就像由’anadeixis’，也就是指示詞當中同時具有指示性及迴指性的過渡階段(Cornish, 2007)所組成的名詞性補語，只是在句法上的表現形式為空。因此我主張V-kah結構中的空補語就像一個看不見的’anne’，因為’anne’是台語中的一個特殊指示詞，能夠以同樣的構詞形式在台語中表現程度、種類和方式。另外，當處於語用控制下時，這個空指示詞既可以是話語指示用法，也可以是迴指用法；但在句法控制下，它只能夠得到迴指用法的解讀。之後，在我的分析中，藉由Anderson（2015）和Kratzer（1996）所提出的概念，我探討了台語V-kah結構中的空補語語意解讀並分別演示了話語指示用法及迴指用法在句子中的語意組合過程。而-kah在此結構中具有相當特殊的地位，構詞上，它當作一種後綴 並附著到前方的詞彙上以形成主要謂語，句法上則引介出後方程度補語，即為前部分所討論的anne以指涉某事件的程度狀態(degree-state-kind)，語意上-kah用來連接前方詞彙和後方程度補語的語意，並對涉入的事件論元進行語意上的規範，要求其具有高程度義。 　　　總結來說，這篇論文主要在探討台灣閩南語中V-kah結構及其空補語。在過去的研究中，並沒有對於此結構及其補語有一套統一的分析。因此，本論文的主要貢獻在於將隱性補語和顯性補語分成兩類不同的結構，說明空補語是一種深層迴指並具有指涉程度之空指示詞的句法地位，並清晰地呈現空補語及整個V-kah結構語義組合的過程。除此之外，本篇論文也闡述了-kah在此結構中的重要地位，並提出一個對於台灣閩南語中V-kah結構及其空補語一致且完整的分析方式。但本篇論文有些不足之處仍尚待釐清及解決，包括對於程度補語的界定以及對於空指示詞的句法地位及存在與否，因此，也希望未來能有更多關於台語V-kah結構，尤其是在空補語上的研究能出現，以補足本篇論文不足之處，也使對於此結構的分析能夠更加深入且完整。zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 　　　This thesis investigates the null complement in Taiwanese V-kah constructions. The discussions focus on the syntactic properties, status, and semantic compositions of this unique structure. It is argued by Yang (2010) that the null complement is derived from the overt form, both of which bear the high degree. Moreover, this null complement should be analyzed as a CP/NP Pro because Taiwanese is a pro-drop language so it can be recovered from the context or discourse. Another claim proposed by Lin (2022) suggests Taiwanese null clausal complement is deep anaphora because it fits three criteria raised by Depiante (2000) and has the syntactic status of null epithet. However, another standard proposed by Hoji (2003) should be added into the examination: deep anaphors still acquires sloppy reading no matter when relevant NP is [-β] or [+β]. Then, two conditions are separated apart: with linguistic antecedent and without linguistic antecedent, and it is found out that in both conditions the null complement matches these four criteria so it is confirmed as a type of deep anaphora. 　　　Furthermore, this null complement is analyzed as a null demonstrative with degree use to realize the high degree because it behaves like a DP complement composed of ‘anadeixis’ (Cornish, 2007) but syntactically remains null. It is accordingly asserted that the null complement is represented by an invisible ‘anne’ because ‘anne’ can function as a MQD demonstrative (König & Umbach, 2018) in Taiwanese and refers to degree in V-kah construction. Besides, this null demonstrative can be both discourse-deictic use and anaphoric use under pragmatic control while it has only anaphoric reading under syntactic control. Then, the semantic compositions of null ‘anne’ and entire V-kah structures with two different uses are comprehensively demonstrated via the concepts proposed by Anderson (2015) and Kratzer (1996). Specifically, -kah plays a significant role in this structure. Morphologically, it is a suffix attaching to the preceding predicate, syntactically takes a degree complement presented by ‘anne’, and semantically connecting the preceding predicate with the degree complement, requiring the involved eventuality argument (an instantiation of a state-kind) to have the degree which is higher than the contextually-salient standard. 　　　To summarize, this thesis aims to exploring V-kah construction in Taiwan Southern Min and its null complement. In previous studies, there is no unified analysis of this special structure and its complement. Therefore, the main contribution of this thesis is to differentiate the null complement from overt one, proclaim that this null complement is deep anaphora and a null demonstrative referring to degree, and clearly elucidate the semantic composition of the null complement and entire V-kah constructions. Moreover, this thesis further explains the significant status of -kah and proposes a relatively consistent and comprehensive analysis of Taiwanese V-kah construction and its null complement. There are still some shortcomings in this thesis, including the definition of degree complement and the uncertain existence of null demonstrative. Hence, it is also anticipated that more studies of V-kah structure, particularly on null complement can be made, to make up for the deficiencies of this thesis and complete the thorough analysis of this unique structure.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents Acknowledgments i 摘要 ii Abstract iv Table of Contents vi 1. Introduction 1 2. Properties of Taiwanese V-kah construction 5 3. Literature Review 11 3.1 Yang (2010): Overt Complement and Null Complement 11 3.2 Lin (2022): Null Complement of V-kah Construction 17 3.3 Hankamer & Sag (1976): Deep Anaphora and Surface Anaphora 23 3.3.1 Surface Anaphora 24 3.3.2 Deep Anaphora 25 4. The Syntactic Analysis of Null Complement 28 4.1 Null Complement as Deep Anaphora 28 4.1.1 The Absence of Linguistic Antecedent 29 4.1.2 The Presence of Linguistic Antecedent 31 4.1.3 Surface Anaphora with Linguistic Antecedent 36 4.2 Null Demonstrative 39 4.2.1 Three Uses of Demonstrative 39 4.2.2 Null Complement as Null Demonstrative 42 5. Null ‘Anne’ As a Demonstrative 49 5.1 ‘Anne’ Behaves like English So 49 5.2 ‘Anne’ As Null Demonstrative Referring Degree 55 5.3 The Referentiality of ‘Anne’ 60 6. The Semantic Interpretation of Null Complement 66 6.1 Yang (2010) 66 6.2 Degree As Kinds 73 6.3 The Semantic Compositions with ‘Anne’ 77 6.3.1 Kratzer (1996): Severing The External Argument From The Verb 78 6.3.2 Anaphoric Use 81 6.3.3 Discourse-deictic Use 84 7. Conclusion 90 8. References 93zh_TW
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dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0110555004en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 台語zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) V-kah結構zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 空補語zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 深層迴指zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 指示詞zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 高程度義zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) V-kah constructionen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Null complementen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Deep anaphoraen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Demonstrativesen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) High degree senseen_US
dc.title (題名) 論台灣閩南語V-kah結構中的空補語zh_TW
dc.title (題名) On the Null Complement of Taiwanese V-kah Constructionsen_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen_US
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