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題名 Apparent Subject-object inversion in Chinese 作者 何萬順 日期 2009 上傳時間 19-Sep-2008 15:27:58 (UTC+8) 摘要 This paper is concerned with the problem of argument-function mismatch observed in the (apparent) subject-object inversion in Chinese consumption verbs, e.g., chi ‘eat’ and he ‘drink’, and accommodation verbs, e.g., zhu ‘live’ and shui ‘sleep’. These verbs seem to allow the linking of OBJ> as well as , but only when the agent is also the semantic role denoting the measure or extent of the action. The account offered is formulated within LFG’s lexical mapping theory. Under the simplest and also the strictest interpretation of the argument-function mapping principle (or the θ- Criterion), a composite role such as ag-ext receives syntactic assignment via one composing role only; the second composing role must be suppressed. Apparent subject-object inversion occurs when in the competition between the two composing roles, ag-ext, the agent loses out and is suppressed. This account also facilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic structures. 關聯 Linguistics 資料類型 article DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/LING.2009.040 dc.creator (作者) 何萬順 zh_TW dc.date (日期) 2009 - dc.date.accessioned 19-Sep-2008 15:27:58 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 19-Sep-2008 15:27:58 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 19-Sep-2008 15:27:58 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/2094 - dc.description.abstract (摘要) This paper is concerned with the problem of argument-function mismatch observed in the (apparent) subject-object inversion in Chinese consumption verbs, e.g., chi ‘eat’ and he ‘drink’, and accommodation verbs, e.g., zhu ‘live’ and shui ‘sleep’. These verbs seem to allow the linking of OBJ> as well as , but only when the agent is also the semantic role denoting the measure or extent of the action. The account offered is formulated within LFG’s lexical mapping theory. Under the simplest and also the strictest interpretation of the argument-function mapping principle (or the θ- Criterion), a composite role such as ag-ext receives syntactic assignment via one composing role only; the second composing role must be suppressed. Apparent subject-object inversion occurs when in the competition between the two composing roles, ag-ext, the agent loses out and is suppressed. This account also facilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic structures. en dc.format.extent 285746 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.language zh_TW en dc.language.iso en_US - dc.relation (關聯) Linguistics en dc.title (題名) Apparent Subject-object inversion in Chinese en dc.type (資料類型) article en dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.1515/LING.2009.040 en_US dc.doi.uri (DOI) http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/LING.2009.040 en_US
