dc.contributor.advisor | 賴岳謙<br>朱新民<br>黃奎博 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.advisor | <br><br> | en_US |
dc.contributor.author (Authors) | 馮嘉惠 | zh_TW |
dc.creator (作者) | 馮嘉惠 | zh_TW |
dc.date (日期) | 2004 | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.available | 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) | G0902530281 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri (URI) | https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/33684 | - |
dc.description (描述) | 碩士 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 國立政治大學 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 外交研究所 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 90253028 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 93 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 美國對中國的定位到底是敵?是友?或亦敵亦友?中美的外交關係面臨擺盪起伏,而兩國的軍事交流更是讓人霧裡看花。因軍事交流身於外交及國防的交集處,因此為探討兩國軍事交流,必先釐清華府全球戰略意向及對北京的外交政策,方能了解兩國軍事交流的目的並進而預測其未來走向。 華滋(Kenneth Waltz)體系論提到,強權的興衰可決定國際政治運作的方式,國際結構組成,並進而影響國家的行為。冷戰時期,美國及蘇聯實力相當,國際社會一分為二,依照兩強所領導的價值觀而運作。在當時,美國戰略以發展軍事實力,保障本國及盟邦安全,避免兩極失去平衡為目標。除發展自身實力外,並以合縱連橫的方式,尋求他國的合作共同對抗蘇聯。 七0年代,蘇聯迅速擴張其勢力,美國擔心兩極就此失去平衡,恰於此時中蘇關係彽朝,美國利用此機會進行中美關係正常化。蘇聯持續擴張帶來的威脅,促使美國開啟對華軍事轉移,希望利用中國優勢地緣位置,以增加其國防實力的方式,牽制蘇聯的發展。從八0年代開啟的中美軍事交流目的很單純,一切以共同對抗蘇聯為目的。 一九八九年東歐變天,繼而蘇聯解體,國際政治成為美國獨霸的世界。華府將其全球戰略由對抗蘇聯,過渡為維持單極優勢領導。美國軍事國防存在的目的也由維持兩極平衡,轉變為維持經濟於區域存在的後盾。布希政府時期以「世界新秩序」為新全球戰略,強調透過美國領導,國際合作的方式達成美國治下的和平。亞太戰略方面,以扇形理論維持在區域內存在,避免單一國家控制區域內綜合資源,同時藉由與扇沿國家的互動,打造一個符合自身利益存在的安全環境。因中國自七0年代開始只是美國策略性聯盟的夥伴,在蘇聯這個共同敵人消失後,美國遲遲無法決定對這個世界第二大的共產國家該採取什麼態度,尤其是兩國軍事交流。老布希政府時期發生的天安門事件,恰好替美國暫停對華軍事交流找到一個藉口。自一九八九年六月,美方中止了八0年代開始大量的軍售、裝備合作及高層互訪。 美國自冷戰結束後發展的單極優勢領導全球戰略觀一直延續至今。在柯林頓時期名為「交往與擴大」,透過安全性合作、選擇性介入及預防外交等方式,建構起美國領導的國際社會。在亞太政策上,沿用布希政府策略,更名為「新太平洋共同體」,以政治、經濟及軍事三管齊下方式,防止美國影響力無法進入區域,降低區域強權如俄羅斯、中國對美國的挑戰。在對華政策方面,美國本身即充滿矛盾,一方面是冷戰後失去敵人的沒方向感作祟,亟需尋求一替代的假想敵,一方面又需要中國在區域及全球安全議題共同合作,在兩者拉力下出現柯林頓政府時期對華「全面交往」及「建設性戰略伙伴」政策。 無論是「全面交往」或「建設性戰略伙伴」,都是美國希望透過「異中求同、求同存異」,爭取中國在區域、全球議題的支持,如北韓問題及武器不擴散議題。更深化的目的在於透過將中國拉入國際社會,運用融入、同化的方式,以影響甚至改造北京當局。兩國的軍事交流可視為美國對中國軍事現代化的疑慮、對武器擴散的關心以及對區域安全關注的綜合產物。一九九三年中美「全面性交往」提供兩國重新開啟軍事交流的基礎。然因失去實質的目的,如共同對抗敵人,僅存策略目的,如上述對中國軍事現代化疑慮…等,使得雙方軍事關係在面臨李登輝訪美、中國駐南斯拉夫大使館遭到轟炸兩次外交瓶頸後慘遭挫敗。 小布希上任第一年,美國便面臨了九一一恐怖攻擊,為了共同反恐的需要,美國放棄強硬單邊的全球戰略觀,將國土安全提升至戰略第一位,並爭取全球打擊恐怖主義的支持。在亞太政策上,除區域盟國外,亦相當注重與大國,如俄羅斯、中國及印度的交往互動。美中關係此時也從二00一年四月中美軍機擦撞陰霾中解凍,美國放棄稱呼中國為「戰略競爭者」,改稱「建設性的合作關係」。 中美「建設性合作關係」亦是種「異中求同,求同存異」的手段。兩國關係是否真的好轉,由當時一連串政府對華評估報告書中,證明美國對中國仍懷有強大的戒心。當時美國對中國的友善,不過是反映了專心反恐的需要,希望中國在各議題與之合作,尤其是維持區域的安定。軍事交流就是最好的印證,雖然九一一事件後兩國軍事交流大增,但細就其項目多為消極的嚇阻、預防衝突發生,就深度上與前兩任政府時期幾乎無異。 觀察一九八九至二00四年,中美軍事交流廣度展開,但深度並未增加。究其原因可歸為因兩國互相帶有高度戒心,而軍事交流不過是求取降低衝突發生的產物。在華府及北京仍相互定位不明、彼此疑慮的情況下,預料未來兩國軍事交流仍難有重大的突破。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.tableofcontents | 第一章 導論 1第一節 研究動機與目的 1第二節 研究範圍與限制 3第三節 研究途徑與方法 4第四節 研究架構 8第二章 布希政府時期 9第一節 布希政府時期美國全球戰略 9第二節 美國亞太戰略 16第三節 美中關係與美中軍事交流 22第四節 小結 34第三章 柯林頓政府時期 37第一節 交往與擴大的全球戰略 37第二節 美國亞太戰略:新太平洋共同體 43第三節 美國對華政策 46第四節 美中軍事交流及其變因 53第五節 小結 63第四章 小布希政府時期 68第一節 美國全球戰略 68第二節 美國亞太戰略 74第三節 美中外交關係 78第四節 美中軍事交流的實質與目的 83第五節 小結 90第五章 結論 95參考文獻 108附錄 1989-2004美中外交關係與軍事交流 129 | zh_TW |
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dc.language.iso | en_US | - |
dc.source.uri (資料來源) | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0902530281 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 軍事交流 | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 美中關係 | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 美國戰略 | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 亞太政策 | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Military Contact | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | U.S.-Sino Relation | en_US |
dc.title (題名) | 冷戰後美國對中國戰略態勢之研究-兼論雙邊軍事交流 | zh_TW |
dc.type (資料類型) | thesis | en |
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