Publications-Theses

題名 冷戰後美國對中國戰略態勢之研究-兼論雙邊軍事交流
作者 馮嘉惠
貢獻者 賴岳謙<br>朱新民<br>黃奎博
<br><br>
馮嘉惠
關鍵詞 軍事交流
美中關係
美國戰略
亞太政策
Military Contact
U.S.-Sino Relation
日期 2004
上傳時間 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8)
摘要 美國對中國的定位到底是敵?是友?或亦敵亦友?中美的外交關係面臨擺盪起伏,而兩國的軍事交流更是讓人霧裡看花。因軍事交流身於外交及國防的交集處,因此為探討兩國軍事交流,必先釐清華府全球戰略意向及對北京的外交政策,方能了解兩國軍事交流的目的並進而預測其未來走向。

華滋(Kenneth Waltz)體系論提到,強權的興衰可決定國際政治運作的方式,國際結構組成,並進而影響國家的行為。冷戰時期,美國及蘇聯實力相當,國際社會一分為二,依照兩強所領導的價值觀而運作。在當時,美國戰略以發展軍事實力,保障本國及盟邦安全,避免兩極失去平衡為目標。除發展自身實力外,並以合縱連橫的方式,尋求他國的合作共同對抗蘇聯。

七0年代,蘇聯迅速擴張其勢力,美國擔心兩極就此失去平衡,恰於此時中蘇關係彽朝,美國利用此機會進行中美關係正常化。蘇聯持續擴張帶來的威脅,促使美國開啟對華軍事轉移,希望利用中國優勢地緣位置,以增加其國防實力的方式,牽制蘇聯的發展。從八0年代開啟的中美軍事交流目的很單純,一切以共同對抗蘇聯為目的。

一九八九年東歐變天,繼而蘇聯解體,國際政治成為美國獨霸的世界。華府將其全球戰略由對抗蘇聯,過渡為維持單極優勢領導。美國軍事國防存在的目的也由維持兩極平衡,轉變為維持經濟於區域存在的後盾。布希政府時期以「世界新秩序」為新全球戰略,強調透過美國領導,國際合作的方式達成美國治下的和平。亞太戰略方面,以扇形理論維持在區域內存在,避免單一國家控制區域內綜合資源,同時藉由與扇沿國家的互動,打造一個符合自身利益存在的安全環境。因中國自七0年代開始只是美國策略性聯盟的夥伴,在蘇聯這個共同敵人消失後,美國遲遲無法決定對這個世界第二大的共產國家該採取什麼態度,尤其是兩國軍事交流。老布希政府時期發生的天安門事件,恰好替美國暫停對華軍事交流找到一個藉口。自一九八九年六月,美方中止了八0年代開始大量的軍售、裝備合作及高層互訪。

美國自冷戰結束後發展的單極優勢領導全球戰略觀一直延續至今。在柯林頓時期名為「交往與擴大」,透過安全性合作、選擇性介入及預防外交等方式,建構起美國領導的國際社會。在亞太政策上,沿用布希政府策略,更名為「新太平洋共同體」,以政治、經濟及軍事三管齊下方式,防止美國影響力無法進入區域,降低區域強權如俄羅斯、中國對美國的挑戰。在對華政策方面,美國本身即充滿矛盾,一方面是冷戰後失去敵人的沒方向感作祟,亟需尋求一替代的假想敵,一方面又需要中國在區域及全球安全議題共同合作,在兩者拉力下出現柯林頓政府時期對華「全面交往」及「建設性戰略伙伴」政策。

無論是「全面交往」或「建設性戰略伙伴」,都是美國希望透過「異中求同、求同存異」,爭取中國在區域、全球議題的支持,如北韓問題及武器不擴散議題。更深化的目的在於透過將中國拉入國際社會,運用融入、同化的方式,以影響甚至改造北京當局。兩國的軍事交流可視為美國對中國軍事現代化的疑慮、對武器擴散的關心以及對區域安全關注的綜合產物。一九九三年中美「全面性交往」提供兩國重新開啟軍事交流的基礎。然因失去實質的目的,如共同對抗敵人,僅存策略目的,如上述對中國軍事現代化疑慮…等,使得雙方軍事關係在面臨李登輝訪美、中國駐南斯拉夫大使館遭到轟炸兩次外交瓶頸後慘遭挫敗。

小布希上任第一年,美國便面臨了九一一恐怖攻擊,為了共同反恐的需要,美國放棄強硬單邊的全球戰略觀,將國土安全提升至戰略第一位,並爭取全球打擊恐怖主義的支持。在亞太政策上,除區域盟國外,亦相當注重與大國,如俄羅斯、中國及印度的交往互動。美中關係此時也從二00一年四月中美軍機擦撞陰霾中解凍,美國放棄稱呼中國為「戰略競爭者」,改稱「建設性的合作關係」。

中美「建設性合作關係」亦是種「異中求同,求同存異」的手段。兩國關係是否真的好轉,由當時一連串政府對華評估報告書中,證明美國對中國仍懷有強大的戒心。當時美國對中國的友善,不過是反映了專心反恐的需要,希望中國在各議題與之合作,尤其是維持區域的安定。軍事交流就是最好的印證,雖然九一一事件後兩國軍事交流大增,但細就其項目多為消極的嚇阻、預防衝突發生,就深度上與前兩任政府時期幾乎無異。

觀察一九八九至二00四年,中美軍事交流廣度展開,但深度並未增加。究其原因可歸為因兩國互相帶有高度戒心,而軍事交流不過是求取降低衝突發生的產物。在華府及北京仍相互定位不明、彼此疑慮的情況下,預料未來兩國軍事交流仍難有重大的突破。
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(三) 報紙
人民日報
大陸情勢週報
中央日報
中時晚報
中國時報
民生報
世界日報
自由時報
香港大公報
香港文匯報
經濟日報
解放軍報
聯合報
聯合晚報
環球時報
(四) 網路
人民網www.people.com.cn
中時電子報http://news.chinatimes.com
中國新聞網www.chinanews.com.cn
新華網www.xinhuanet.com.cn
二、 英文部分
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(二)期刊
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President George Bush, “America`s Role in the World,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch Vol, 4 (January 1993), pp.13-15.
President George Bush, “I Want to Keep Contact; I do not Want Isolation,” Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, Vol. 26, No. 4 (January 29,1990), pp. 89-93.
President George Bush, Department of States Dispatch, Vol.3, No.31 (August 3, 1992).
President George Bush, “Remarks to General Dynamics Employees in Fort Worth, Texas, September 2, 1992,” Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, Vol. 28, No. 36 (September 7, 1992), pp.1556-1557.
President George Bush, Department of States Dispatch, Vol.3, No.37 (September 14, 1992).
President William Clinton, “Building a New Pacific Community,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch, Vol. 4, No. 28 (July 12, 1993).
President William Clinton, “Fundamentals of Security for a New Pacific Community,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch, Vol. 4, No. 29(July 19, 1993).
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三、 官方文件
Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph S. Nye, Press Release (December 12, 1995).
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Stanley O. Roth , U.S.-China Relations and the China Policy Act of 1997 (September 17, 1997).
Director of Central Intelligence, The Acquisition of Technology Relating to Weapons Of Mass Destruction an Advanced Conventional Munitions(July/December,1996).
Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations of Senate, U.S. and Chinese Policies Toward Occupied Tibet (102nd Congress, July 28, 1992).
James A. Kelly, United States Policy in East Asia and the Pacific: Challenges and Priorities, Testimony before the Subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific. House Committee on International Relations, AIT BG-2001-7, July 2, 2001.
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Joint Chiefs of Staff Henry Shelton, Joint Vision 2020 (May 2000).
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President George W. Bush, Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercises of the United States Military Academy (West Point: June 1, 2002).
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President William J. Clinton, Remarks on American Security in a Changing World, (George Washington University, Washington D.C., August 5, 1996.)
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(三) 報紙
Christian Science Monitor
International Herald Tribune
Los Angles Times
The New York Times
The Straits Times
Wall Street Journal
Washington Post
(四) 其他
ABC News
CNN News
Kissinger’s Record of World Events, New Digest, November 1991.
United States Information Agency, USIA News.
描述 碩士
國立政治大學
外交研究所
90253028
93
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0902530281
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 賴岳謙<br>朱新民<br>黃奎博zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor <br><br>en_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 馮嘉惠zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) 馮嘉惠zh_TW
dc.date (日期) 2004en_US
dc.date.accessioned 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 17-Sep-2009 17:52:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0902530281en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/33684-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 外交研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 90253028zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 93zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 美國對中國的定位到底是敵?是友?或亦敵亦友?中美的外交關係面臨擺盪起伏,而兩國的軍事交流更是讓人霧裡看花。因軍事交流身於外交及國防的交集處,因此為探討兩國軍事交流,必先釐清華府全球戰略意向及對北京的外交政策,方能了解兩國軍事交流的目的並進而預測其未來走向。

華滋(Kenneth Waltz)體系論提到,強權的興衰可決定國際政治運作的方式,國際結構組成,並進而影響國家的行為。冷戰時期,美國及蘇聯實力相當,國際社會一分為二,依照兩強所領導的價值觀而運作。在當時,美國戰略以發展軍事實力,保障本國及盟邦安全,避免兩極失去平衡為目標。除發展自身實力外,並以合縱連橫的方式,尋求他國的合作共同對抗蘇聯。

七0年代,蘇聯迅速擴張其勢力,美國擔心兩極就此失去平衡,恰於此時中蘇關係彽朝,美國利用此機會進行中美關係正常化。蘇聯持續擴張帶來的威脅,促使美國開啟對華軍事轉移,希望利用中國優勢地緣位置,以增加其國防實力的方式,牽制蘇聯的發展。從八0年代開啟的中美軍事交流目的很單純,一切以共同對抗蘇聯為目的。

一九八九年東歐變天,繼而蘇聯解體,國際政治成為美國獨霸的世界。華府將其全球戰略由對抗蘇聯,過渡為維持單極優勢領導。美國軍事國防存在的目的也由維持兩極平衡,轉變為維持經濟於區域存在的後盾。布希政府時期以「世界新秩序」為新全球戰略,強調透過美國領導,國際合作的方式達成美國治下的和平。亞太戰略方面,以扇形理論維持在區域內存在,避免單一國家控制區域內綜合資源,同時藉由與扇沿國家的互動,打造一個符合自身利益存在的安全環境。因中國自七0年代開始只是美國策略性聯盟的夥伴,在蘇聯這個共同敵人消失後,美國遲遲無法決定對這個世界第二大的共產國家該採取什麼態度,尤其是兩國軍事交流。老布希政府時期發生的天安門事件,恰好替美國暫停對華軍事交流找到一個藉口。自一九八九年六月,美方中止了八0年代開始大量的軍售、裝備合作及高層互訪。

美國自冷戰結束後發展的單極優勢領導全球戰略觀一直延續至今。在柯林頓時期名為「交往與擴大」,透過安全性合作、選擇性介入及預防外交等方式,建構起美國領導的國際社會。在亞太政策上,沿用布希政府策略,更名為「新太平洋共同體」,以政治、經濟及軍事三管齊下方式,防止美國影響力無法進入區域,降低區域強權如俄羅斯、中國對美國的挑戰。在對華政策方面,美國本身即充滿矛盾,一方面是冷戰後失去敵人的沒方向感作祟,亟需尋求一替代的假想敵,一方面又需要中國在區域及全球安全議題共同合作,在兩者拉力下出現柯林頓政府時期對華「全面交往」及「建設性戰略伙伴」政策。

無論是「全面交往」或「建設性戰略伙伴」,都是美國希望透過「異中求同、求同存異」,爭取中國在區域、全球議題的支持,如北韓問題及武器不擴散議題。更深化的目的在於透過將中國拉入國際社會,運用融入、同化的方式,以影響甚至改造北京當局。兩國的軍事交流可視為美國對中國軍事現代化的疑慮、對武器擴散的關心以及對區域安全關注的綜合產物。一九九三年中美「全面性交往」提供兩國重新開啟軍事交流的基礎。然因失去實質的目的,如共同對抗敵人,僅存策略目的,如上述對中國軍事現代化疑慮…等,使得雙方軍事關係在面臨李登輝訪美、中國駐南斯拉夫大使館遭到轟炸兩次外交瓶頸後慘遭挫敗。

小布希上任第一年,美國便面臨了九一一恐怖攻擊,為了共同反恐的需要,美國放棄強硬單邊的全球戰略觀,將國土安全提升至戰略第一位,並爭取全球打擊恐怖主義的支持。在亞太政策上,除區域盟國外,亦相當注重與大國,如俄羅斯、中國及印度的交往互動。美中關係此時也從二00一年四月中美軍機擦撞陰霾中解凍,美國放棄稱呼中國為「戰略競爭者」,改稱「建設性的合作關係」。

中美「建設性合作關係」亦是種「異中求同,求同存異」的手段。兩國關係是否真的好轉,由當時一連串政府對華評估報告書中,證明美國對中國仍懷有強大的戒心。當時美國對中國的友善,不過是反映了專心反恐的需要,希望中國在各議題與之合作,尤其是維持區域的安定。軍事交流就是最好的印證,雖然九一一事件後兩國軍事交流大增,但細就其項目多為消極的嚇阻、預防衝突發生,就深度上與前兩任政府時期幾乎無異。

觀察一九八九至二00四年,中美軍事交流廣度展開,但深度並未增加。究其原因可歸為因兩國互相帶有高度戒心,而軍事交流不過是求取降低衝突發生的產物。在華府及北京仍相互定位不明、彼此疑慮的情況下,預料未來兩國軍事交流仍難有重大的突破。
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dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 導論 1
第一節 研究動機與目的 1
第二節 研究範圍與限制 3
第三節 研究途徑與方法 4
第四節 研究架構 8
第二章 布希政府時期 9
第一節 布希政府時期美國全球戰略 9
第二節 美國亞太戰略 16
第三節 美中關係與美中軍事交流 22
第四節 小結 34
第三章 柯林頓政府時期 37
第一節 交往與擴大的全球戰略 37
第二節 美國亞太戰略:新太平洋共同體 43
第三節 美國對華政策 46
第四節 美中軍事交流及其變因 53
第五節 小結 63
第四章 小布希政府時期 68
第一節 美國全球戰略 68
第二節 美國亞太戰略 74
第三節 美中外交關係 78
第四節 美中軍事交流的實質與目的 83
第五節 小結 90
第五章 結論 95
參考文獻 108
附錄 1989-2004美中外交關係與軍事交流 129
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dc.language.iso en_US-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0902530281en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 軍事交流zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 美中關係zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 美國戰略zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 亞太政策zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Military Contacten_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) U.S.-Sino Relationen_US
dc.title (題名) 冷戰後美國對中國戰略態勢之研究-兼論雙邊軍事交流zh_TW
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) (三) 報紙zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 人民日報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 大陸情勢週報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 中央日報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 中時晚報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 中國時報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 民生報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 世界日報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 自由時報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 香港大公報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 香港文匯報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 經濟日報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 解放軍報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 聯合報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 聯合晚報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 環球時報zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) (四) 網路zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 人民網www.people.com.cnzh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 新華網www.xinhuanet.com.cnzh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 二、 英文部分zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) 三、 官方文件zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Stanley O. Roth , U.S.-China Relations and the China Policy Act of 1997 (September 17, 1997).zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) President George W. Bush, The President’s State of the Union Address ( January 29, 2002).zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) President George W. Bush, Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercises of the United States Military Academy (West Point: June 1, 2002).zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) U.S. Department of Defense, The Base Force: A Total Force (September 25, 1991).zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) U.S. Department of Defense, A Strategic Framework for the Asian Pacific Rim: Report to Congress (1992).zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) U.S. Department of Defense, Report of the Quadrennial Defense Review (May 1997).zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) (三) 報紙zh_TW
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dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) (四) 其他zh_TW
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