dc.contributor.advisor | 李明 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.advisor | Lee, Ming | en_US |
dc.contributor.author (Authors) | 游佩儒 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.author (Authors) | Yo, Pei Thu | en_US |
dc.creator (作者) | 游佩儒 | zh_TW |
dc.creator (作者) | Yo, Pei Thu | en_US |
dc.date (日期) | 2010 | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 29-Sep-2011 18:35:36 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.available | 29-Sep-2011 18:35:36 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 29-Sep-2011 18:35:36 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) | G0093253503 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/51094 | - |
dc.description (描述) | 博士 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 國立政治大學 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 外交研究所 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 93253503 | zh_TW |
dc.description (描述) | 99 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract (摘要) | Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study. | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract (摘要) | Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study. | en_US |
dc.description.tableofcontents | PERSPECTIVE 1ABSTRACT ICHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 11.1 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS ON TAIWAN’S INTERNATIONAL STATUS 51.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 81.3 RESEARCH PURPOSE 91.4 THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 131.5 LITERATURE REVIEW 211.6 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 241.7 METHODOLOGY 261.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE RESEARCH 29CHAPTER 2: U.S-CHINA RELATIONS AND TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT 342.1 INTRODUCTION 342.2 U.S CHINA POLICY DURING THE LATE 1940S AND THE EARLY RECOGNITION ISSUE 402.3 REVERSAL OF HANDS-OFF POLICY AND THE LEGAL STATUS NEWLY DEFINED BY THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION 472.4 CONTAINMENT AND THE U.S.-ROC MUTUAL DEFENSE TREATY 562.5 NIXON’S NEW APPROACH AND THE 1972 SHANGHAI COMMUNIQUÉ 632.6 CARTER AND THE DECEMBER 15, 1978 JOINT COMMUNIQUÉ 712.7 RESPONSES FROM CONGRESS AND THE PUBLIC AFTER CARTER’S RECOGNITION OF PRC 742.8 CONGRESSIONAL INITIATIVES AND THE ENACTMENT OF THE TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT 792.8.1 Main Contents of Taiwan Relations Act and Their Implications in International Law 812.8.2 Statutory Basis for CCNAA and AIT 852.8.3 Continuation of International Agreement with Taiwan 862.8.4 Multilateral Conventions and International Organizations 87CONVENTIONAL INTERNATIONAL BODIES 902.8.5 The Term “Taiwan” as Opposed to the Term “People on Taiwan” 912.8.6 Other Key Provisions of Taiwan Relations Act 922.8.7 The Relationship between the Normalization Agreement and the TRA 972.9 PROCEEDING U.S PRESIDENTS’ CHINA/TAIWAN POLICY 1012.9.1 Ronald Reagan 1022.9.2 George H. W. Bush 1052.9.3 William Jefferson Clinton 1052.9.4 George W. Bush 1082.9.5 Barack Obama 111CHAPTER 3: RECOGNITION ISSUES AND DILEMMAS FACED BY TAIWAN 1293.1 LEGAL BACKGROUND 1293.2 THE FLAW IN PRC’S CLAIM TO TAIWAN 1333.3 INTERPRETATION OF THE 1972 SHANGHAI COMMUNIQUÉ AND THE 1978 WASHINGTON-PEKING JOINT COMMUNIQUÉ WITH REGARD TO TAIWAN’S STATUS 1353.4 THE LIMITATION OF ROC’S CLAIM TO TAIWAN 1383.5 THE IMPACT OF UNITED STATES RECOGNITION OF PRC ON THE 143INTERNATIONAL STATUS OF ROC AND ROC’S CAPACITY TO FULFILL INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS 1433.5.1 Recognition in International Law and its Effects on Taiwan 1433.5.2 The Paradox between the Law of Recognition and Reality 1463.5.3 Modus Vivendi for Recognition in International Law 1473.6 TAIWAN’S SOVEREIGNTY IN US COURTS 1503.7 LEGISLATIVE RE-RECOGNITION OF ROC 1613.7.1 Risks of Derecognizing Taiwan and De Facto Recognition of ROC’s Sovereignty in TRA 1613.8 TAIWAN AS PARTICIPANT IN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 1633.8.1 From GATT to WTO 165CHAPTER 4: UNITED STATES-CHINA-TAIWAN RELATIONS AHEAD 1774.1THE RISE OF CHINA 1774.2 US-JAPAN ALLIANCES 1834.3 US-TAIWAN RELATIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY 1864.3.1 A Consistent or a Changing US Asian Policy? 1894.3.2 US-Taiwan Cooperation under the Mutual Legal Assistance Agreement 1914.3.3 Arms Sale 2044.3.4 Taiwan vis-à-vis US National Interest 208CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION 216BIBLIOGRAPHY 233APPENDIX 283 | zh_TW |
dc.language.iso | en_US | - |
dc.source.uri (資料來源) | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0093253503 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | US-Taiwan Relations | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Taiwan Relations Act | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Taiwan`s Legal Status | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Derecognition | zh_TW |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 美台關係 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 台灣關係法 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 台灣法律地位 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 撒銷承認 | en_US |
dc.title (題名) | 從法律與政治觀點檢視美台關係 | zh_TW |
dc.title (題名) | US-Taiwan relationship: from legal to political perspective | en_US |
dc.type (資料類型) | thesis | en |
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