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題名 華語焦點變調
Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi
作者 石書豪
Shih, Shu-hao
貢獻者 蕭宇超
Yuchau E. Hsiao
石書豪
Shih, Shu-hao
關鍵詞 焦點
變調
優選理論
韻律制約
聲調制約
focus
tone sandhi
Optimality Theory
prosodic constraint
tonal constraint
日期 2011
上傳時間 30-Oct-2012 10:08:05 (UTC+8)
摘要 本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。
This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.
參考文獻 Anttila, A. 1997. Deriving variation from grammar. In Frans
Hinskens, Roeland Van Hout & W. Leo Wetzels (eds.),
Variation, Change, and Phonological Theory, 35-68.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bauer, L. 1978. The Grammar of Nominal Compounding. With
Particular Reference to Danish, English and French,
Odense, Odense University Press.
Benua, L. 1997. Transderivational Identity: Phonological
Relations Between Words. Ph. D. Dissertation, University
of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Broselow, E. 1982. On the interaction of stress and
epenthesis. Glossa 16, 115-132.
Cheng, C.-C. 1973. A quantitive study of Chinese tones.
Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1: 93-110.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1984. Abstract symmetry in Chinese verse.
Linguistic Inquiry 15.1: 167-170.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1987. The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi.
Phonology Yearbook 4:109-149.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1996. Tone Sandhi. San Diego: University of
California.
Cho, Y.-M. Y. 1990. Syntax and phrasing in Korean. The
Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zec, 47-62. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Chomsky, N. 1971. Deep structure, surface structure, and
semantic interpretation. In D. D. Steinberg and L. A.
Jakobovits (eds.), Semantics: An Interdisciplinary Reader
in Philosophy, Linguistics and Psychology, 183-216.
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Condoravdi, C. 1990. Sandhi rules of Greek and prosodic
theory. The Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon
Inkelas and Draga Zec, 63-84. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
de Lacy, P. 2002a. The Formal Expression of Markedness. Ph.
D. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
de Lacy, P. 2002b. Markedness conflation in Optimality
Theory. Phonology 19. 1–32.
DiSciullo, A.-M. and E. Williams. 1987. On the Definition of
Word, Cambridge, MIT Press.
Duanmu, S. 2012. Word-length preferences in Chinese: a
corpus study. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 21.1: 89-
114.
Green, T. 1993. The conspiracy of completeness. Paper
presented at Rutgers Optimality Workshop 1.
Hayes, B. 1985. Iambic and trochaic rhythm in stress rules.
In M. Niepokuj et. al., eds., Proceedings of the
Thirteenth Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,
Berkeley, CA.
Hayes, B. 1987. A revised parametric metrical theory. In J.
McDonough and B. Plunkett, eds., Proceedings of NELS 17,
Graduate Linguistic Student Association, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst.
Hayes, B. 1994. Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case
Studies. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 1991. Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular
Relationship. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 1995. Southern Min Tone Sandhi and Theories of
Prosodic Phonology. Taipei: Student Book Co.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 2006. An Optimality Theory approach to tone
sandhi in Dapu Hakka. NSC Report No. 94-2411-H-004-032.
Hung, T. 1987. Syntactic and Semantic Aspects of Chinese
Tone Sandhi. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of California
at San Diego.
Inkelas, S. 1989. Prosodic Constituency in the Lexicon. Ph.
D. Dissertation, Standard University.
Inkelas, S. and C. Zoll. 2007. Is grammar dependence real? A
comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint
approaches to morphonologically conditioned phonology.
Linguistics 45(1). 133-171.
Ito, J., Y. Kitagawa, and A. Mester. 1996. Prosodic
faithfulness and correspondence: evidence from a Japanese
argot. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 5: 217-294.
Jackendoff, R. S. 1972. Semantic Interpretation in
Generative Grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Kager, R. 1989. A Metrical Theory of Stress and Destressing
in English and Dutch, Foris, Dordrecht.
Kager, R. 1999. Optimality Theory. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Kaisse, E. M. 1985. Connected Speech: the Interaction of
Syntax and Phonology. Orlando FL: Academic Press.
Kanerva, J. M. 1990. Focusing on phonological phrases in
Chichewa. The Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon
Inkelas and Draga Zec, 145-161. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Li, K.-N. 2009. The Information Structure of Mandarin
Chinese: Sntax and Posody. Ph. D. Dissertation, Seattle:
University of Washington.
Lin, H.-S. 2000. An Optimality Theoretic Approach to Tone
Sandhi in Mandarin, in Taiwanese, and in Mandarin-
Taiwanese Code-Mixing. M.A. Thesis. National Chengchi
University.
Lin, H.-S. 2005. Prosodic correspondence in tone sandhi. UST
Working Papers In Linguistics. 1: 229-265.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1986. Prosodic Morphology, ms.,
Univ. of Massachusetts and Brandeis Univ.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1990. Foot and word in prosodic
morphology: the Arabic broken plurals, Natural Language
and Linguistic Theory 8, 209-282.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1991a. Prosodic minimality.
Lecture presented at University of Illinois Conference
The Organization of Phonology.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1991b. Linguistics 240: Prosodic
Morphology, lectures and handouts from 1991 LSA Linguistic
Institute Course, University of California, Santa Cruz.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1993. Generalized alignment. In
G. Booij and J. Van Marle (eds.). Yearbook of Morphology.
79-153. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1995. Faithfulness and
reduplicative identity. University of Massachusetts
Occasional Papers in Linguistics UMOP 18, eds. by Jill Bechman et al,. 249-384. Amherst Mass.: Graduate Linguistic
Student Association.
McCarthy, J. 2008. Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory
to Data. Oxford: Blackwell.
Mchugh. B. D. 1986. Cyclicity in phrasal phonology: evidence
from Chaga. In Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on
Formal Linguistics, Vol. 5, 154-164. Stanford Linguistic
Association.
Nagahara, H. 1994. Phonological Phrasing in Japanese
Prosody. Ph. D. Dissertation, UCLA.
Nelson, N. 2003. Asymmetric Anchoring. Ph. D. Dissertation,
Rutgers University,New Brunswick.
Nespor, M. and I. Vogel. 1982. Prosodic domains of external
sandhi rules. In Hulst, H. van der & Smith,N. (eds), The
Structure of Phonological Representations (Part I).
Dordrecht: Foris.
Nespor, M. and I. Vogel. 1986. Prosodic Phonology.
Dordrecht: Foris Publication.
Odden, D. 1987. Kimatuumbi phrase phonology. Phonology
Yearbook 4: 13-36.
Orgun, C. O. 1996. Sign-based Morphology and Phonology: With
Special Attention to Optimality Theory. Ph. D.
Dissertation, Berkeley, CA: University of California.
Prince, A. 1980. A metrical theory for Estonian quantity.
Linguistic Inquiry 11, 511-562.
Prince, A. and P. Smolensky. 1993/2004. Optimality Theory:
Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Pulleyblank, D. 1986. Tone in Lexical Phonology. Dordrecht:
Reidel.
Pulleyblank, D. 2004. A note on tonal markedness in Yoruba.
Phonology 21:3, 1-20.
Selkirk, E. 1984. Phonology and Syntax: the Relation between
Sound and Structure. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Selkirk, E. 1986. On derived domain in sentence phonology.
Phonology Yearbook 3: 371-405
Shih, C.-L. 1986. The Prosodic Domain of Tone Sandhi in
Chinese, Ph. D. Dissertation, University of California,
San Diego.
Shih, C.-L. 1990. Mandarin Third Tone Sandhi and Prosodic
Structure. Ms, Cornell University and Rutgers University.
Siegel, L. 1974, Topics in English Morphology, Ph. D.
Dissertation, Cambridge, MIT.
Smolensky, P. 1993. Harmony, markedness, and phonological
activity. Paper presented at Rutgers Optimality Workshop
1.
Wee, L.-H. 2010. A percolative account for Tianjin tone
sandhi. Language and Linguistics. vol. 11.1.21-64.
Williams, E. 1981. On the notions ‘lexically related’ and
‘head of a word’, Linguistic Inquiry, 12: 2, 245-274.
Yin, Y.-M. 1991. Some Major Issues in Mandarin Tonal
Phonology. Taipei: The Crane Publishing.
Zhang, Z.-S. 1988. Tone and Tone Sandhi in Chinese, Ph. D.
Dissertation, Ohio State University.
蕭宇超，2000，〈台灣閩南語之優選變調〉，《漢語研究》，十八卷特輯，頁
25-40。
蕭宇超，2010，〈從語料庫觀點探討古詩節律〉，《華語文教學研究》，第七卷
第一期，頁1-25。
描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
98555004
100
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0098555004
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 蕭宇超zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Yuchau E. Hsiaoen_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 石書豪zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Shih, Shu-haoen_US
dc.creator (作者) 石書豪zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Shih, Shu-haoen_US
dc.date (日期) 2011en_US
dc.date.accessioned 30-Oct-2012 10:08:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 30-Oct-2012 10:08:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 30-Oct-2012 10:08:05 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0098555004en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/54142-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 98555004zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 100zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents Acknowledgements iv
Table of Contents v
Chinese Abstract vii
English Abstract viii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1. Introduction 1
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 4
2.1 Tonotactics of Mandarin 4
2.2 Syntax-Phonology Interface 5
2.3 Previous Studies 7
2.3.1 Zhang’s (1988) and Shih’s (1990) Analyses 7
2.3.2 Hsiao (1991, 1995) 11
2.3.3 Cho (1990) & Kanerva (1990) 15
2.4 Theoretical Background 18
2.4.1 Optimality Theory 18
2.4.2 Correspondence Theory 21
2.4.3 Prosodic Correspondence in Tone Sandhi 22
2.4.4 Generalized Alignment 24
2.4.5 Cophonology Theory 25
CHAPTER 3 DATA ANALYSIS 27
3.1 Data Collection 27
3.2 Type A: Adverbs and Auxiliary Verbs in a Simple Sentence 30
3.3 Type B: the Flat Structure 33
3.4 Type C: Other Types of Sentences 37
3.4.1 Unmarked Focal Tone Sandhi Patterns 38
3.4.2 Marked Focal Tone Sandhi Patterns 41
3.5 Focal Boundary vs. Lexical Items 46
3.6 Generalization of Focal Tone Sandi in Mandarin 48
3.7 The Size of the Mandarin Focal Phrase 50
CHAPTER 4 OT ANALYSIS 55
4.1 Prosodic Constraints for Mandarin Regular Tone Sandhi 55
4.2 Prosodic Constraints for Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi 61
4.2.1 ALIGN-L(F, FP) & ALIGN-L(FP, Ft) 61
4.2.2 ALIGN-R(F, FP) & ALIGN-R(FP, Ft) 66
4.2.3 ALIGN-E(FP, IP) 71
4.2.4 [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY] 72
4.2.5 Focal Variations 76
4.3 A Comparison of Prosodic Constraints for Non-focal and Focal Readings 77
4.4 Summary of Prosodic Constraints 79
4.5 Tonal Constraints for Mandarin Regular Tone Sandhi 80
4.6 Tonal Constraints for Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhi 88
4.6.1 OCP-L(ft) 88
4.7 A Comparison of Tonal Constraints for Non-focal and Focal Readings 91
4.8 Summary of Tonal Constraints 94
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION 94
5.1 Summary of the Thesis 94
5.2 Further Issues 98
REFERENCES 100
VITA 108		zh_TW
dc.language.iso en_US-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0098555004en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 焦點zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 變調zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 優選理論zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 韻律制約zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 聲調制約zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) focusen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) tone sandhien_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Optimality Theoryen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) prosodic constrainten_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) tonal constrainten_US
dc.title (題名) 華語焦點變調zh_TW
dc.title (題名) Mandarin Focal Tone Sandhien_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Anttila, A. 1997. Deriving variation from grammar. In Frans
Hinskens, Roeland Van Hout & W. Leo Wetzels (eds.),
Variation, Change, and Phonological Theory, 35-68.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bauer, L. 1978. The Grammar of Nominal Compounding. With
Particular Reference to Danish, English and French,
Odense, Odense University Press.
Benua, L. 1997. Transderivational Identity: Phonological
Relations Between Words. Ph. D. Dissertation, University
of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Broselow, E. 1982. On the interaction of stress and
epenthesis. Glossa 16, 115-132.
Cheng, C.-C. 1973. A quantitive study of Chinese tones.
Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1: 93-110.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1984. Abstract symmetry in Chinese verse.
Linguistic Inquiry 15.1: 167-170.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1987. The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi.
Phonology Yearbook 4:109-149.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1996. Tone Sandhi. San Diego: University of
California.
Cho, Y.-M. Y. 1990. Syntax and phrasing in Korean. The
Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zec, 47-62. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Chomsky, N. 1971. Deep structure, surface structure, and
semantic interpretation. In D. D. Steinberg and L. A.
Jakobovits (eds.), Semantics: An Interdisciplinary Reader
in Philosophy, Linguistics and Psychology, 183-216.
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Condoravdi, C. 1990. Sandhi rules of Greek and prosodic
theory. The Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon
Inkelas and Draga Zec, 63-84. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
de Lacy, P. 2002a. The Formal Expression of Markedness. Ph.
D. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
de Lacy, P. 2002b. Markedness conflation in Optimality
Theory. Phonology 19. 1–32.
DiSciullo, A.-M. and E. Williams. 1987. On the Definition of
Word, Cambridge, MIT Press.
Duanmu, S. 2012. Word-length preferences in Chinese: a
corpus study. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 21.1: 89-
114.
Green, T. 1993. The conspiracy of completeness. Paper
presented at Rutgers Optimality Workshop 1.
Hayes, B. 1985. Iambic and trochaic rhythm in stress rules.
In M. Niepokuj et. al., eds., Proceedings of the
Thirteenth Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,
Berkeley, CA.
Hayes, B. 1987. A revised parametric metrical theory. In J.
McDonough and B. Plunkett, eds., Proceedings of NELS 17,
Graduate Linguistic Student Association, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst.
Hayes, B. 1994. Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case
Studies. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 1991. Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular
Relationship. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 1995. Southern Min Tone Sandhi and Theories of
Prosodic Phonology. Taipei: Student Book Co.
Hsiao, Y.-C. 2006. An Optimality Theory approach to tone
sandhi in Dapu Hakka. NSC Report No. 94-2411-H-004-032.
Hung, T. 1987. Syntactic and Semantic Aspects of Chinese
Tone Sandhi. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of California
at San Diego.
Inkelas, S. 1989. Prosodic Constituency in the Lexicon. Ph.
D. Dissertation, Standard University.
Inkelas, S. and C. Zoll. 2007. Is grammar dependence real? A
comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint
approaches to morphonologically conditioned phonology.
Linguistics 45(1). 133-171.
Ito, J., Y. Kitagawa, and A. Mester. 1996. Prosodic
faithfulness and correspondence: evidence from a Japanese
argot. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 5: 217-294.
Jackendoff, R. S. 1972. Semantic Interpretation in
Generative Grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Kager, R. 1989. A Metrical Theory of Stress and Destressing
in English and Dutch, Foris, Dordrecht.
Kager, R. 1999. Optimality Theory. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Kaisse, E. M. 1985. Connected Speech: the Interaction of
Syntax and Phonology. Orlando FL: Academic Press.
Kanerva, J. M. 1990. Focusing on phonological phrases in
Chichewa. The Phonology-syntax Connection, eds. by Sharon
Inkelas and Draga Zec, 145-161. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Li, K.-N. 2009. The Information Structure of Mandarin
Chinese: Sntax and Posody. Ph. D. Dissertation, Seattle:
University of Washington.
Lin, H.-S. 2000. An Optimality Theoretic Approach to Tone
Sandhi in Mandarin, in Taiwanese, and in Mandarin-
Taiwanese Code-Mixing. M.A. Thesis. National Chengchi
University.
Lin, H.-S. 2005. Prosodic correspondence in tone sandhi. UST
Working Papers In Linguistics. 1: 229-265.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1986. Prosodic Morphology, ms.,
Univ. of Massachusetts and Brandeis Univ.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1990. Foot and word in prosodic
morphology: the Arabic broken plurals, Natural Language
and Linguistic Theory 8, 209-282.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1991a. Prosodic minimality.
Lecture presented at University of Illinois Conference
The Organization of Phonology.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1991b. Linguistics 240: Prosodic
Morphology, lectures and handouts from 1991 LSA Linguistic
Institute Course, University of California, Santa Cruz.
McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1993. Generalized alignment. In
G. Booij and J. Van Marle (eds.). Yearbook of Morphology.
79-153. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
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reduplicative identity. University of Massachusetts
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