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題名 選票與席次的不比例性對馬來西亞政黨體系的影響
Consequences of Vote-Seat Disproportionality to Party System in Malaysia
作者 李泰德
貢獻者 游清鑫
Yu, Ching Hsin
李泰德
關鍵詞 政黨體系
不比例性
名額不當配置
傑利蠑螈
權力共享
日期 2013
上傳時間 1-Oct-2014 13:40:17 (UTC+8)
摘要 被視為馬來西亞獨立以來最激烈的2013年全國大選中，獨立至今從未失去執政權的國民陣線，以低於過半數的選票取得近六成的國會議席，在有驚無險的姿態下成功保住執政黨的地位。然而，這項選舉結果為馬國選民與研究者提出了一個很大的疑問：為何取得超過半數選票的反對黨人民聯盟無法在國會中佔有多數席位而掌權？

為了解決這個疑惑，本文將從杜瓦傑法則所提出的選舉制度之機械效應為出發點，就單一選區相對多數決制所產生的選票與議席的比例性如何影響政黨命運的角度提出探討，並具體指出國民陣線利用名額不當配置與傑利蠑螈的操作，在選舉制度的執行面上扭曲選舉結果，使其得票極大化，並鞏固其執政地位。

在進行論證後，本文發現：在單一選區相對多數決的選舉制度下，由於名額不當配置與傑利蠑螈的操作，將可能導致議席與選票的關係產生負向的關係，即獲取較少選票的政黨卻得到較多的議席。而有關結果，也將修正立方律法則與乘冪指數的規律對議席與選票關係之探討。另一方面，由於國陣長年實行的權力共享精神，讓該成員黨以選區的種族比例標準得到議席。因此，雖然行使SMD選制的馬來西亞，在政黨體系卻屬於多黨制。不過在各選區所產生的狀況展現的卻是兩黨制的型態（即一個國陣成員黨對壘單一的反對黨）。因此，本文也試圖修正杜瓦傑法則：在採行單一選區相對多數決選制，當政黨間以結盟方式競選而相互禮讓時，因為將展現多黨制的型態而使得杜瓦傑法則不適用在該國家中。由於各選區展現的確是兩大陣營（馬來西亞的例子：國陣與民聯）的對決，因此若將研究單位細分到選區時，反而將實現杜瓦傑法則的論述。
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黃進發，2013，<選舉制度定江山？——“頭馬獲勝制”對本屆與來屆大選的關鍵影響>，載於《未完成的政治轉型》，吳彥華、潘永強主編。吉隆坡：華研。頁18-41。
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描述 碩士
國立政治大學
政治研究所
101252021
102
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0101252021
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 游清鑫zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Yu, Ching Hsinen_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 李泰德zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) 李泰德zh_TW
dc.date (日期) 2013en_US
dc.date.accessioned 1-Oct-2014 13:40:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 1-Oct-2014 13:40:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-Oct-2014 13:40:17 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0101252021en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/70307-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 政治研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 101252021zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 102zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 被視為馬來西亞獨立以來最激烈的2013年全國大選中，獨立至今從未失去執政權的國民陣線，以低於過半數的選票取得近六成的國會議席，在有驚無險的姿態下成功保住執政黨的地位。然而，這項選舉結果為馬國選民與研究者提出了一個很大的疑問：為何取得超過半數選票的反對黨人民聯盟無法在國會中佔有多數席位而掌權？

為了解決這個疑惑，本文將從杜瓦傑法則所提出的選舉制度之機械效應為出發點，就單一選區相對多數決制所產生的選票與議席的比例性如何影響政黨命運的角度提出探討，並具體指出國民陣線利用名額不當配置與傑利蠑螈的操作，在選舉制度的執行面上扭曲選舉結果，使其得票極大化，並鞏固其執政地位。

在進行論證後，本文發現：在單一選區相對多數決的選舉制度下，由於名額不當配置與傑利蠑螈的操作，將可能導致議席與選票的關係產生負向的關係，即獲取較少選票的政黨卻得到較多的議席。而有關結果，也將修正立方律法則與乘冪指數的規律對議席與選票關係之探討。另一方面，由於國陣長年實行的權力共享精神，讓該成員黨以選區的種族比例標準得到議席。因此，雖然行使SMD選制的馬來西亞，在政黨體系卻屬於多黨制。不過在各選區所產生的狀況展現的卻是兩黨制的型態（即一個國陣成員黨對壘單一的反對黨）。因此，本文也試圖修正杜瓦傑法則：在採行單一選區相對多數決選制，當政黨間以結盟方式競選而相互禮讓時，因為將展現多黨制的型態而使得杜瓦傑法則不適用在該國家中。由於各選區展現的確是兩大陣營（馬來西亞的例子：國陣與民聯）的對決，因此若將研究單位細分到選區時，反而將實現杜瓦傑法則的論述。		zh_TW
dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 1
第一節 研究動機 1
第二節 文獻檢閱 3
第三節 研究架構與研究問題 12
第四節 研究限制 15
第五節 論文章節安排 15
第二章 馬來西亞選舉制度的延續與變遷 17
第一節 馬來（西）亞憲法關於選舉規定之演變 17
第二節 選舉委員會之職責 31
第三節 國陣權力共享的精神 49
第四節 小結 60
第三章 名額不當配置的探討 61
第一節 名額不當配置的測量 61
第二節 名額不當配置的第一個層面：馬來半島與東馬間的名額配置問題 65
第三節 名額不當配置的第二個層面：馬來半島內各州的名額配置問題 70
第四節 名額不當配置的第三個層面：縣級行政區域 78
第五節 墾殖區的名額不當配置 83
第六節 種族政治下的名額配置問題 88
第七節 2013年全國大選 96
第八節 小結 105
第四章 傑利蠑螈的操作 107
第一節 被分割的社區 107
第二節 墾殖區的操作 114
第三節 軍警選票的操作 119
第四節 混合選區選民的策略投票 132
第五節 小結 150
第五章 總結 153
第一節 研究結果 153
第二節 研究發現 154
第三節 未來研究之建議 157
第四節 突破國陣天羅地網的可能？ 158
參考文獻 163
附錄一 馬來西亞聯邦憲法第十三附錄：選區劃分相關之規定 171
附錄二 馬來西亞聯邦憲法第46條：國會下議院的組成（各州名額的配置） 176
附錄三 歷屆選舉各州之議席數 177
附錄四 柔佛州行政區域圖 178
附錄五 2003年選區劃分前柔佛州各州議席之過度代表比與墾殖區選民百分比 179
附錄六 2003年選區劃分後柔佛州各州議席之過度比與墾殖區選民百分比 181
附錄七 2004年選區重劃後馬來半島新增之國會議席 183
附錄八 昔加末底地下議席之種族結構 184		zh_TW
dc.format.extent 3024493 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.language.iso en_US-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0101252021en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 政黨體系zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 不比例性zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 名額不當配置zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 傑利蠑螈zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 權力共享zh_TW
dc.title (題名) 選票與席次的不比例性對馬來西亞政黨體系的影響zh_TW
dc.title (題名) Consequences of Vote-Seat Disproportionality to Party System in Malaysiaen_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen
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