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題名 普遍語法中施事賓語的連結問題:漢語及達悟語中的證據
作者 何萬順
貢獻者 何萬順
日期 2007-07-24
上傳時間 22-May-2008 15:07:22 (UTC+8)
摘要 This paper is concerned with the problem of argument-function mismatch\nobserved in the (apparent) subject-object inversion in Chinese consumption\nverbs, e.g., chi ‘eat’ and he ‘drink’, and accommodation verbs, e.g., zhu ‘live’\nand shui ‘sleep’. These verbs seem to allow the linking of <agent-SUBJ theme-\nOBJ> as well as <agent-OBJ theme-SUBJ>, but only when the agent is also the\nsemantic role denoting the measure or extent of the action. The account offered\nis formulated within LFG’s lexical mapping theory. Under the simplest and also\nthe strictest interpretation of the argument-function mapping principle (or the θ-\nCriterion), a composite role such as ag-ext receives syntactic assignment via one\ncomposing role only; the second composing role must be suppressed. Apparent\nsubject-object inversion occurs when in the competition between the two\ncomposing roles, ag-ext, the agent loses out and is suppressed. This account also\nfacilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic\nstructures.
描述 核定金額: 405,000 元
資料類型 report
dc.contributor 何萬順en_US
dc.coverage.temporal 計畫年度:95 執行起迄: 20060801~20070731en_US
dc.creator (作者) 何萬順zh_TW
dc.date (日期) 2007-07-24en_US
dc.date.accessioned 22-May-2008 15:07:22 (UTC+8)en_US
dc.date.accessioned 8-Sep-2008 09:32:55 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 22-May-2008 15:07:22 (UTC+8)en_US
dc.date.available 8-Sep-2008 09:32:55 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 22-May-2008 15:07:22 (UTC+8)en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.ntu.edu.tw:8000/140.119/5473en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://ah.lib.nccu.edu.tw/item?item_id=842-
dc.description (描述) 核定金額: 405,000 元en_US
dc.description.abstract (摘要) This paper is concerned with the problem of argument-function mismatch\nobserved in the (apparent) subject-object inversion in Chinese consumption\nverbs, e.g., chi ‘eat’ and he ‘drink’, and accommodation verbs, e.g., zhu ‘live’\nand shui ‘sleep’. These verbs seem to allow the linking of <agent-SUBJ theme-\nOBJ> as well as <agent-OBJ theme-SUBJ>, but only when the agent is also the\nsemantic role denoting the measure or extent of the action. The account offered\nis formulated within LFG’s lexical mapping theory. Under the simplest and also\nthe strictest interpretation of the argument-function mapping principle (or the θ-\nCriterion), a composite role such as ag-ext receives syntactic assignment via one\ncomposing role only; the second composing role must be suppressed. Apparent\nsubject-object inversion occurs when in the competition between the two\ncomposing roles, ag-ext, the agent loses out and is suppressed. This account also\nfacilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic\nstructures.en_US
dc.format.extent 428614 bytesen_US
dc.format.extent 428614 bytes-
dc.format.extent 18209 bytes-
dc.format.mimetype application/pdfen_US
dc.format.mimetype application/pdf-
dc.format.mimetype text/plain-
dc.language zh_TWen_US
dc.language.iso en_USen_US
dc.title (題名) 普遍語法中施事賓語的連結問題:漢語及達悟語中的證據zh_TW
dc.type (資料類型) reporten