dc.coverage.temporal | 計畫年度:89 起迄日期:20000801~20010731 | en_US |
dc.creator (作者) | 李明 | zh_TW |
dc.date (日期) | 2000 | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 18-Apr-2007 16:42:25 (UTC+8) | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 8-Sep-2008 09:37:01 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.available | 18-Apr-2007 16:42:25 (UTC+8) | en_US |
dc.date.available | 8-Sep-2008 09:37:01 (UTC+8) | - |
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 18-Apr-2007 16:42:25 (UTC+8) | en_US |
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) | 892414H004041.pdf | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://tair.lib.ntu.edu.tw:8000/123456789/4188 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri (URI) | https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/4188 | - |
dc.description (描述) | 核定金額:303100元 | en_US |
dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 中共外交在1989 年天安門事件過後遭遇國際短暫抗議和制裁後,隨著中共經濟發展快速和外貿能力提升之後,又恢復和多數國家的正常交往。波灣戰爭結束後,世界和平較無威脅。及至中共軍事力量擴增過速、南斯拉夫解體戰爭發生,科索伏戰事繼之,中共駐南國大使館被炸,中共認識到國際格局對於中共挑戰仍多。大致從1996 年起,中共加強和若干鄰近國家、或主要強權的關係,並締結不同形式或內容的「夥伴關係」,此即為「大國外交」的主要著眼點。中共與相關國家建立的「夥伴關係」名稱有相當之差異。但目的則大略有三:透過元首互訪,增進國際互動與瞭解;解決或至少降低爭議,減少安全上的顧慮;建立有利於中共經濟發展的國際環境。而其附帶之目的,則是在兩岸外交角逐中,盡全力壓制台灣。處於中共挑戰之下,中華民國該如何自處,該如何增進國家安全與福祉,皆是本研究關心的主題。透過對於中共「大國外交」作為的理解,可以詳為思辯,找出我國的因應之道。 | - |
dc.description.abstract (摘要) | Suffered from the protests and sanctions from many countries of the world due to the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) bloody suppression against the Tiananmen peaceful democratic movement, Beijing soon renovated its relations with most countries because of its progressive trade and economy notably by its fanatic economic growth rates. There have been less major threats to the world after the Gulf War since early 1990s. The PRC, however, perceives that there are more challenges to Beijing while encountering the alleged “China threat” and the consequent encirclement aimed at Beijing, the turmoil emerged in the former Yugoslavia, NATO’s attack of Kosovo, and finally the bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Largely ever since 1996, the PRC has tried very hard promoting relations with both adjacent as well as major powers, and went further to establish “partnership relations” with them in different mandate. Beijing’s effort is what we deem as the major element of “the Big Power Diplomacy.” Given this backdrop, nonetheless, the primary objectives for the PRC in pursuing this policy are therefore as follow: first of all, to accelerate the mutual understanding and conciliation by way of the top-ranking shuttle diplomacy; secondly, to resolve the longstanding disputes between Beijing and its counterparts so as to ensure the PRC’s national security; thirdly, to build up a favorable environment for Chinese economic development. The spin-off effect, if China’s diplomacy should be successfully accomplished, would be to further isolate the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan from participating international affairs. It is the strenuous road full of challenges paved in front of the government and people of the ROC, since the PRC would never hold back its blockade against the ROC unless the latter gives up. Issues such as Beijing’s “Big-Power Diplomacy” strategy, and, most of all, the ROC’s future diplomacy vis-a-vis Beijing will be the focus of this study. | - |
dc.format | applicaiton/pdf | en_US |
dc.format.extent | bytes | en_US |
dc.format.extent | 56855 bytes | en_US |
dc.format.extent | 56855 bytes | - |
dc.format.extent | 33507 bytes | - |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | en_US |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | en_US |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | - |
dc.format.mimetype | text/plain | - |
dc.language | zh-TW | en_US |
dc.language.iso | zh-TW | en_US |
dc.publisher (Publisher) | 臺北市:國立政治大學外交學系 | en_US |
dc.relation (關聯) | 行政院國家科學委員會 | - |
dc.relation (關聯) | 計畫編號NSC89-2414-H004-041 | - |
dc.rights (Rights) | 行政院國家科學委員會 | en_US |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 中國;大國外交;台灣;外交 | - |
dc.subject (關鍵詞) | China;Big power diplomacy;Taiwan,Diplomacy | - |
dc.title (題名) | 中共「大國外交」及其對我國外交之影響 | zh_TW |
dc.title.alternative (其他題名) | Mainland Chinas Big Power Diplomacy and Its Impacts to the ROCs Foreign Relations | - |
dc.type (資料類型) | report | en |