| 2026-05 |
新冠疫情下的聚旗效應：多層次迴歸模型的實證分析 |
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| 2025-06 |
Exogenous Shocks and Party System Development: What is the Effect on New Party Entry? |
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說明頁(369) |
| 2024-06 |
The COVID-19 pandemic and the electoral performance of governing parties in electoral democracies |
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| 2022-05 |
Rules for Party Subsidies and Electoral Volatility in Latin America |
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| 2021-12 |
Explaining the Party Unity of Governing Parties in Mexico |
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| 2021-09 |
跨國人權非政府組織與拉丁美洲民主轉型 |
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| 2021-07 |
Electoral Volatility in Latin America, 1932-2018 |
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| 2021-04 |
臺灣白色恐怖時期政治案件終審結果之解析：以死刑判決與無罪判決為例 |
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| 2019-12 |
拉丁美洲各國憲政體制的選擇與發展 |
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| 2019-12 |
Political Finance Regimes and Party System Size: Evidence from New and Established European Democracies |
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說明頁(814) |
| 2019-12 |
拉丁美洲各國憲政體制選擇與發展 |
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說明頁(455) |
| 2018-03 |
Personal Vote, Spatial Registration Rules, and Party System Nationalization in Latin America |
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說明頁(158) |
| 2018 |
從新制度主義看墨西哥憲政體制對其政黨政治的影響 |
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| 2017-12 |
Explaining Local Protests in Taiwan (1992-2008): From the Perspective of Political Opportunity Structure |
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pdf(739) |
| 2017-03 |
Is China Becoming a Hegemonic Challenge in Latin America and the Caribbean? A Political Economy Analysis of the Nicaragua Interoceanic Canal Project |
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說明頁(1074) |
| 2017-03 |
川普政府的邊境安全政策與美墨長城爭議 |
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pdf(670) |
| 2016-03 |
Neoliberalism, Democracy, and Patterns of Social Protests in Latin America, 1980-2000 |
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| 2016-01 |
委內瑞拉2015年國會選舉評析 |
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| 2015-06 |
臺灣快閃政治--新媒體、政黨與社會運動 |
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| 2015-03 |
Party Registration Rules and Party Systems in Latin America |
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| 2015-01 |
2014年美國與古巴復交之分析 |
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| 2015-01 |
Anti-Government Protests in Democracies: A Test of Institutional Explanations |
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說明頁(2208) |
| 2015 |
從國際關係理論看哥斯大黎加的非武裝中立 |
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pdf(468) |
| 2015 |
2014年美國與古巴復交之分析 |
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| 2015 |
Refining the Theory of Partisan Alignments: Evidence from Latin America |
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