學術產出-學位論文
Article View/Open
Publication Export
-
題名 群眾路線 2.0: 數位治理與中國政權的正當性
Mass Line 2.0: How China’s Mass Line Governance in Cyberspace Enhances Regime Legitimacy作者 桂凱瑞
Griffin, Kyle Martin貢獻者 冷則剛
Leng, Tse-Kang
桂凱瑞
Kyle Martin Griffin關鍵詞 中國
威權彈性
政府回應
群眾路線
電子政務
數位政治
在線國家
社會關係
政權合法性
政治參與
系統理論
China
authoritarian resilience
responsiveness
Mass Line
e-governance
digital politics
online state-society relations
e-government
legitimacy
political participation
systems theory日期 2020 上傳時間 4-Jan-2021 11:29:28 (UTC+8) 摘要 群眾路線是中國的治理思想，其特點是政治精英和群眾之間的高度直接接觸。 群眾向精英們提出他們的要求，而精英們則有義務將之內部化並藉由國家行動滿足這些要求。 群眾路線治理力圖加強這些互動，從而建立一種響應公眾需求的制度。 現有的群眾路線相關研究顯示，該意識形態與中國（現實世界）的國內政治社會學具有長遠的關聯。 文獻中為被討論的是該意識形態是否影響線上的國家與社會關係。 因此，值得探究的是，網絡空間中是否存在「群眾路線」？ 鑑於一般公民大部分閒暇時間都在使用網路，網絡空間可謂中國社會生活的主要場域，更凸顯了前述問題的重要性。 本文通過通用系統理論構建了「群眾路線」概念，以解釋中國的電子政務和線上的國家與社會關係。 本研究主張現今中國社會存在著「數位」群眾路線，它透過中國政府的電子政務被奉行與實現，亦可於政府經營的線上機構中觀察到此數位群眾路線的現行情況。本文審視了電子政務案例，並針對各種案例數據進行了定性檢驗，包括政策文件，個人陳述，在線機構的設計和功能，網民行為以及數值調查和索引。 本文支持以下觀點：（1）政權設計其在線機構，以提供管道促進精英與群眾的直接互動； （2）這些互動可以使社會需求從民眾端流向政府端，從而激發響應性的國家行動； （3）社會需求是由大眾政治參與形成的，政府的回應是經由溝通後的決議而產生的； （4）政權提供的溝通管道繞過次級當局，直接面對民眾，以破壞地方官員的阻撓行為； （5）機構透過宣傳「政府賦監督權於民」的消息以動員網民監督機構； （6）「群眾參與，政府回應」的模式增強了大眾對政治效能的意識，進而支持了政權的合法性； （7）此溝通制度的設計在於鼓勵網民使用國家偏愛的溝通管道參與政治； （8）「道德權威」提供了社會契約，界定了數位群眾路線中政治精英與公眾的互動模式。 該研究具有重要的理論意義，因為與現有文獻不同，現有的文獻定調政權回應的動機為防禦性的，是群眾需求趨動被動產生的反應。本論文表明，在網絡空間中，類似的社會過程是由政權主動推行且具目標導向的國家行動。
The Mass Line is a Chinese governance ideology. It is characterized by a high rate of direct engagement between political elites and the masses. The masses engage elites with their demands, while elites are obligated to internalize and meet those demands through state action. Mass Line governance seeks to strengthen these interactions, thereby cultivating a regime responsive to the public’s needs. Existing research into the Mass Line shows the ideology’s enduring relevance to China’s (real-world) domestic political sociology. Yet to be examined is whether the ideology affects online state-society relations. Thus, it is worthwhile to ask, does the Mass Line exist in cyberspace? This is especially important given that the average citizen spends most of their discretionary time online making cyberspace a major sphere of Chinese social life. This paper frame’s the Mass Line concept through general systems theory to explain Chinese e-governance and online state-society relations. It argues that there exists a digital Mass Line. The digital Mass Line is pursued and realized through Chinese e-governance and can be observed functioning through state-operated online institutions. This paper examines the e-government case. The argument is qualitatively tested against a diversity of case data, including policy documents, personal statements, the design and function of online institutions, netizen behavior, and numerical surveys and indexes. This paper supports the view that: (1) the regime designs its online institutions to enable and foster elite-mass direct engagement; (2) that engagement allows social demands to flow from society to state, stimulating responsive state action; (3) demands are generated through mass political participation and responsiveness through communicated resolutions; (4) channels for direct engagement bypasses subordinate authorities undermining obstructive behavior from local officials; (5) the institutions mobilize netizen watchdogs by disseminating oversight enabling information; (6) the participation-responsiveness dynamic supports regime legitimacy by enhancing the public’s sense of political efficacy; (7) institutional design features mobilize netizens to participate through state-preferred communication channels; and (8) “moral authority” provides the social contract that circumscribes online Mass Line modes of elite-mass interactions. The research is theoretically significant because, unlike in the existing literature that characterizes the regime’s responsiveness as defensively motivated and a reaction to the masses’ demands, this paper shows that, in cyberspace, analogous social processes result from a proactive regime and goal-oriented state action.參考文獻 Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (2015). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton university press.Åström, J., Karlsson, M., Linde, J., & Pirannejad, A. (2012). “Understanding the rise of e-participation in non-democracies: Domestic and international factors”, Government Information Quarterly, 29(2), 142–150.Balch, G. I. (1974). “Multiple Indicators in Survey Research: The Concept ‘Sense of Political Efficacy’”, Political Methodology, 1(2), 1–43.Bandurski, D. (2020, January 6) Mass Line Internet Control. China Media Project. Retrieved February 10, 2020, from http://chinamediaproject.orgBoix, C., & Svolik, M. W. (2013). “The Foundations of Limited Authoritarian Government: Institutions, Commitment, and Power-Sharing in Dictatorships”, The Journal of Politics, 75(2), 300–316.Bondes, M., & Schucher, G. (2014). “Derailed emotions: The transformation of claims and targets during the Wenzhou online incident”, Information, Communication & Society, 17(1), 45–65.Cai, Y. (2008). “Power structure and regime resilience: contentious politics in China”, British Journal of Political Science, 38(3), 411-432.Campbell, A., Gurin, G., & Miller, W. E. (1954). The voter decides. Oxford, England: Row, Peterson, and Co..Chen, Y. N., Chen, H. M., Huang, W., & Ching, R. K. (2006). “E-government strategies in developed and developing countries: An implementation framework and case study”, Journal of Global Information Management (JGIM), 14(1), 23-46.Chen, J., Pan, J., & Xu, Y. (2016). “Sources of authoritarian responsiveness: A field experiment in China”, American Journal of Political Science, 60(2), 383-400.Chen, J., & Xu, Y. (2017). “Why Do Authoritarian Regimes Allow Citizens to Voice Opinions Publicly?”, The Journal of Politics, 79(3), 792–803.China and the Internet: A Giant Cage – Special Report. (2013, April 6). The Economist. Retrieved from http://www.economist.comCIIC - China internet Information Center. (2012, November 1). Wang Chen tan wenhua qiangguo jianshe: Cheng zhengfu guanyuan yao zhongshi weib zuoyong (Wang Chen on strengthening cultural construction, calling government officials to value the role of weibo). China Internet Information Center. Retrieved from http://www.china.com.cn/policy/txt/2011-11/01/content_23783947.htmlCIW – China Internet Watch. (2019, April 9). China internet users snapshot 2019. China Internet Watch. Retrieved from https://www.chinainternetwatch.com.CIW – China Internet Watch. (2020, February 27) Weibo MAU grew to 516M in Dec 2019; revenues to decrease by 15% in Q1 2020 . China Internet Watch. Retrieved from https://www.chinainternetwatch.com.Collier, D. (2011). “Understanding Process Tracing”, PS: Political Science & Politics, 44(04), 823–830.Congressional Management Foundation. (2011). Communicating with congress: Perceptions of citizen advocacy on Capitol Hill. Washington, DC: Author.Cook, S. (2019, June 24). China’s Long, Hot Summer of Censorship. The Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/Dawes, S. S. (2008). “The Evolution and Continuing Challenges of E-Governance”. Public Administration Review, 68, S86–S102.Denyer, S. (2013, August 2) In China, Communist Party takes unprecedented step: It is listening. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/Distelhorst, G., & Fu, D. (2019). “Performing Authoritarian Citizenship: Public Transcripts in China”, Perspectives on Politics, 17(1), 106–121.Distelhorst, G., & Hou, Y. (2014). “Ingroup Bias in Official Behavior: A National Field Experiment in China”. Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 9(2), 203–230.Distelhorst, G., & Hou, Y. (2017). “Constituency Service under Nondemocratic Rule: Evidence from China”, The Journal of Politics, 79(3), 1024–1040.Eltantawy, N., & Wiest, J. B. (2011). “The Arab spring| Social media in the Egyptian revolution: reconsidering resource mobilization theory”, International journal of communication, 5, 18.Easton, D. (1965). A Framework for Political Analysis. Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, N.J.EPL - Environmental Protection Law of the People’s Republic of China. (2014). Ministry of Environmental Protection of the People Republic of China.Fedorenko, I., & Sun, Y. (2016). “Microblogging-Based Civic Participation on Environment in China: A Case Study of the PM 2.5 Campaign”, VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 27(5), 2077–2105.Feldstein, S. (2019). “The Road to Digital Unfreedom: How Artificial Intelligence is Reshaping Repression”, Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 40-52.Fewsmith, J., & Nathan, A. J. (2019). “Authoritarian Resilience Revisited: Joseph Fewsmith with Response from Andrew J. Nathan”, Journal of Contemporary China, 28(116), 167-179.Ferry, L., & Eckersley, P. (2015). “Accountability and Transparency: A Nuanced Response to Etzioni”, Public Administration Review, 75(1), 11–12.GOSC - General Office of the State Council. (2002). Decree No. 17. August 5. Retrieved from http://www.china.org.cn/chinese/zhuanti/283233.htmlGuan, P. (2013). “Analysis on Network Opinion Leaders in Public Emergencies——A Case Study of YANG Dacai Event”, Journal of Intelligence, 32(5), 20–24.Gulati, G. J., Jeff, Yates, D. J., & Williams, C. B. (2012). “Understanding the Impact of Political Structure, Governance and Public Policy on E-Government”, 2012 45th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2541–2550.Gilley, B. (2003). “China`s Changing of the Guard: The Limits of Authoritarian Resilience”, Journal of Democracy, 14(1), 18-26.Kay, S., Zhao, B., & Sui, D. (2015). “Can Social Media Clear the Air? A Case Study of the Air Pollution Problem in Chinese Cities”, The Professional Geographer, 67(3), 351–363.Han, R. (2018). Contesting Cyberspace in China: Online expression and authoritarian resilience. Columbia University Press.Hartford, K. (2005). “Dear Mayor: Online Communications with Local Governments in Hangzhou and Nanjing”, China Information, 19(2), 217–260.He, H., & Zhang, J. (2002). “Wangluo Shidai de Zhengfu Guanli Biange [Government innovation in the network age]”, China Soft Science, 136, 71-73.Huang, H., Boranbay-Akan, S., & Huang, L. (2019). Media, Protest Diffusion, and Authoritarian Resilience. Political Science Research and Methods, 7(1), 23–42.Huntington, S. P. (1968). Political order in changing societies. Yale University Press.IOSC - The Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China. (2010) White paper on the Internet in China. Retrieved from https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-06/08/content_9950198.htmlJiang, M., & Xu, H. (2009). “Exploring online structures on Chinese government portals: Citizen political participation and government legitimation”, Social Science Computer Review, 27(2), 174-195.Jun, K.-N., Wang, F., & Wang, D. (2014). “E-Government Use and Perceived Government Transparency and Service Capacity: Evidence from a Chinese Local Government”, Public Performance & Management Review, 38(1), 125–151.Kay, S., Zhao, B., & Sui, D. (2015). “Can Social Media Clear the Air? A Case Study of the Air Pollution Problem in Chinese Cities”, The Professional Geographer, 67(3), 351–363.King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2013). “How censorship in China allows government criticism but silences collective expression”, American Political Science Review, 107(2), 326-343.King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2017). “How the Chinese government fabricates social media posts for strategic distraction, not engaged argument”, American Political Science Review, 111(3), 484-501.Koh, C. E., Ryan, S., & Prybutok, V. R. (2005). “Creating value through managing knowledge in an e-government to constituency (G2C) environment”, Journal of Computer Information Systems, 45(4), 32–41.Li, C. (2012). “The end of the CCP`s resilient authoritarianism? A tripartite assessment of shifting power in China”, The China Quarterly, 211, 595-623.Li, K. (2015). Report on the Work of the Government (2015) [Transcript]. Retrieved from http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/publications/2015/03/05/content_281475066179954.htmLipset, S. (1959). “Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy”, American Political Science Review, 53, 69-105.Lorentzen, P. L. (2013). “Regularizing Rioting: Permitting Public Protest in an Authoritarian Regime”, Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 8(2), 127–158.Lorentzen, P. (2014). “China`s strategic censorship”, American Journal of Political Science, 58(2), 402-414.Lorentzen, P. (2017). “Designing Contentious Politics in Post-1989 China”, Modern China, 43(5), 459–493.Lorentzen, P., Fravel, M. T., & Paine, J. (2017). “Qualitative investigation of theoretical models: The value of process tracing”, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 29(3), 467–491.Ma, L. (2013). “The Diffusion of Government Microblogging: Evidence from Chinese municipal police bureaus”, Public Management Review, 15(2), 288–309.Ma, L. (2014). “Diffusion and Assimilation of Government Microblogging: Evidence from Chinese cities”, Public Management Review, 16(2), 274–295.MacKinnon, R. (2009). “China’s Censorship 2.0: How companies censor bloggers”, First Monday, 14(2).Mao, Zedong. 1967. “Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership”, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. 3. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.Maus, G. (2015). Eye in the Skynet: How Regimes Can Quell Social Movements Before they Begin. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Meng, T., Pan, J., & Yang, P. (2017). “Conditional receptivity to citizen participation: Evidence from a survey experiment in China”, Comparative Political Studies, 50(4), 399-433.MEP – Ministry of Environmental Protection, Information Center of the. (2008-2013). Provincial EPB websites evaluation 2007–2012.Minzner, C. F. (2006). “Xinfang: An alternative to formal chinese legal institutions”, Stanford Journal of International Law, 42(1), 103-180.Minzner, C. F. (2009). “Riots and cover-ups: counterproductive control of local agents in China”, U. Pa. J. Int`l L., 31, 53.Moon, M. J. (2002). The evolution of e-government among municipalities: Rhetoric or reality. Public Administration Review, 62(4), 424–433.Nathan, A. J. (2003). “China`s Changing of the Guard: Authoritarian Resilience”, Journal of Democracy, 14(1), 6-17.North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, institutional change, and economic performance. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press.Noesselt, N. (2014). “Microblogs and the Adaptation of the Chinese Party‐State`s Governance Strategy”, Governance, 27(3), 449-468.Parent, M., Vandebeek, C. A., & Gemino, A. C. (2005). “Building Citizen Trust Through E-government”, Government Information Quarterly, 22(4), 720–736.Thaler, R. H., & Sunstein, C. R. (2009). Nudge: Improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness. Penguin.O’Brien, K. J. & Li, L. (2006). Rightful resistance in rural China. Cambridge University Press.OECD - Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Ed.). (2005). Governance in China. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.Pan, J. (2019). “How Chinese Officials Use the Internet to Construct Their Public Image”, Political Science Research and Methods, 7(2), 197–213.Perry, E. J., & Selden, M. (Eds.). (2010). Chinese society: Change, conflict and resistance (3rd ed). London ; New York: Routledge.Qiang, X. (2019). “The Road to Digital Unfreedom: President Xi`s Surveillance State”, Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 53-67.Qin, B., Strömberg, D., & Wu, Y. (2017). “Why Does China Allow Freer Social Media? Protests versus Surveillance and Propaganda”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 31(1), 117–140.Roberts, M. E. (2018). Censored: distraction and diversion inside China`s Great Firewall. Princeton University Press.Ruan, L., Knockel, J., & Crete-Nishihata, M. (2020, March 3). Censored Contagion: How Information on the Coronavirus is Managed on Chinese Social Media. The Citizen Lab. Retrieved from https://citizenlab.caSchlæger, J., & Jiang, M. (2014). “Official microblogging and social management by local governments in China”, China Information, 28(2), 189–213.Schneider, F. (2018). China`s Digital Nationalism. Oxford University Press.Schneider, S. M., & Foot, K. (2002). “Online structure for political action: Exploring presidential campaign web sites from the 2000 American election”, The Public, 9, 1-17.Seifert, J. W., & Chung, J. (2009). “Using E-Government to Reinforce Government—Citizen Relationships: Comparing Government Reform in the United States and China”, Social Science Computer Review, 27(1), 3–23.Segal, A. (2015). When China Rules the Web: Technology in Service of the State. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://foreignaffairs.com/Shahbaz, A., & Funk A. (2020) Freedom of the Net 2019: The Crisis of Social Media. Freedom House. Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.org/Shi, W., Wang, H., & He, S. (2013). Sentiment analysis of Chinese microblogging based on sentiment ontology: A case study of ‘7.23 Wenzhou Train Collision.’ Connection Science, 25(4), 161–178.Shirk, S. L. (2007). “Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China”, Japanese Journal of Political Science, 8(1), 43–70.Siau, K., & Long, Y. (2005). “Synthesizing e-government stage models – a meta-synthesis based on meta-ethnography approach”, Industrial Management & Data Systems, 105(4), 443–458.Stier, S. (2015). “Political determinants of e-government performance revisited: Comparing democracies and autocracies”, Government Information Quarterly, 32(3), 270-278.Su, Z., & Meng, T. (2016). “Selective responsiveness: Online public demands and government responsiveness in authoritarian China”, Social Science Research, 59, 52–67.Tang, W. (2016). Populist authoritarianism: Chinese political culture and regime sustainability. Oxford University Press.Tolbert, C. J., & Mossberger, K. (2006). “The Effects of E-Government on Trust and Confidence in Government”, Public Administration Review, 66(3), 354–369.Tong, Y., & Lei, S. (2010). “Large-scale mass incidents and government responses in China”, International Journal of China Studies, 1(2), 487-508.United Nations (UN). (2008-2018). United E-Government Survey. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Public Institutions and Digital Government.Van Evera, S. (1997). Guide to methods for students of political science. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Vance, A., Lowry, P. B., & Eggett, D. L. (2015). “Increasing accountability through the user interface design artifacts: A new approach to addressing the problem of access-policy violations”, Mis Quarterly, 39(2), 345-366.Wang, W., & Liu, W. (2015). “Critical Discourse Analysis of News Reports on China’s Bullet-Train Crash”, Studies in Literature and Language, 10(2), 1–8.Wang, L., & Qiu, H. (2002, October 25). Shenhua Xingzheng Guanli Gaige Renzhong Daoyuan [A long way to deepen administrative reform in China]. Xinhua News Agency. Retrieved February 3, 2003, from http://ahrst.ah.gov.cn/rsbzxx20021025jggg1.htmlWang, Z. (2013). “Instruction in Chinese academic libraries”, In Academic Libraries in the US and China (pp. 51-85). Chandos Publishing.Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology (Vol. 1). Univ of California Press.Wertime, D. (2013, August 7). Why China Has Suddenly Embraced Online Polling: It`s about political capital, not democracy. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/World Bank. (2006). Advancing E-Government [in China]. World Bank.Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E., & Sheafer, T. (2013). “Social Media and the Arab Spring: Politics Comes First”, The International Journal of Press/Politics, 18(2), 115–137.Wright, N. (2018). How Artificial Intelligence Will Reshape the Global Order. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Weiss, J. C. (2015). “Popular Protest, Nationalism, and Domestic-International Linkages in Chinese Politics”, In R. A. Scott & S. M. Kosslyn (Eds.), Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences (pp. 1–15).Wen, J. B. (2010), 2010 Annual Government Performance Report to the National People’s Congress. Xinhua News Agency.Wu, Y. (2012). “Micro-blogging as a Rapid Response News Service in Crisis Reporting: The 2011 Wenzhou Train Crash”, JOMEC Journal, 0(1).Wu, Y., & Bauer, J. M. (2010). “E-government in China: Deployment and driving forces of provincial government portals”, Chinese Journal of Communication, 3(3), 290–310.Xi, K. (2012). Xi Jinping`s report at 19th CPC National Congress [Transcript]. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-20338586Yan, X. (2016). “Patrolling Harmony: Pre-emptive authoritarianism and the preservation of stability in W County”, Journal of Contemporary China, 25(99), 406–421.Yang, G. (2009). The power of the Internet in China: Citizen activism online. New York: Columbia University Press.Yang, P., & Meng, T. (2014). “Exploring the consensus and difference of political values of youth public servants in China [qingnian gongwuyuan jiazhiguan de gongshi he chayi yanjiu]”, China Youth Study [Zhongguo Qingnian Yanjiu], 6, 66-70.Zeng, J. (2015). The Chinese Communist Party`s capacity to rule: ideology, legitimacy, and party cohesion. Springer.Zeng, J. (2016). “China`s date with big data: will it strengthen or threaten authoritarian rule?”, International Affairs, 92(6), 1443-1462.Zenz, A. (2015). Reeducation Returns to China: Will the Repression in Xinjiang Influence Beijing’s Social Credit System?. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Zhang, Q., & Chan, J. L. (2013). “New development: Fiscal transparency in China—government policy and the role of social media”, Public Money & Management, 33(1), 71–75.Zhang, L., Mol, A. P., & He, G. (2016). “Transparency and information disclosure in China’s environmental governance”, Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 18, 17–24.Zheng, S., Kahn, M. E., Sun, W., & Luo, D. (2014). “Incentives for China’s urban mayors to mitigate pollution externalities: The role of the central government and public environmentalism”, Regional Science and Urban Economics, 47, 61–71.Zhou, X. (2004). “E-government in China: A content analysis of national and provincial web sites”, Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 9(4).Zhu, Huaxin, Xuegang Dan, and Jiangchun Hu 2011. “2011 nian Zhongguo hulianwang yuqing fenxi baogao” [“2011 Report on Public Opinion on the Chinese Internet”]. Retrieved from http://yuqing.people.com.cn/GB/16698341.htmlZuboff, S. (2019). The age of surveillance capitalism: The fight for a human future at the new frontier of power. Profile Books. 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
亞太研究英語碩士學位學程(IMAS)
106926023資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0106926023 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 冷則剛 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Leng, Tse-Kang en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 桂凱瑞 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Kyle Martin Griffin en_US dc.creator (作者) 桂凱瑞 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Griffin, Kyle Martin en_US dc.date (日期) 2020 en_US dc.date.accessioned 4-Jan-2021 11:29:28 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 4-Jan-2021 11:29:28 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 4-Jan-2021 11:29:28 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0106926023 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/133452 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程(IMAS) zh_TW dc.description (描述) 106926023 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 群眾路線是中國的治理思想，其特點是政治精英和群眾之間的高度直接接觸。 群眾向精英們提出他們的要求，而精英們則有義務將之內部化並藉由國家行動滿足這些要求。 群眾路線治理力圖加強這些互動，從而建立一種響應公眾需求的制度。 現有的群眾路線相關研究顯示，該意識形態與中國（現實世界）的國內政治社會學具有長遠的關聯。 文獻中為被討論的是該意識形態是否影響線上的國家與社會關係。 因此，值得探究的是，網絡空間中是否存在「群眾路線」？ 鑑於一般公民大部分閒暇時間都在使用網路，網絡空間可謂中國社會生活的主要場域，更凸顯了前述問題的重要性。 本文通過通用系統理論構建了「群眾路線」概念，以解釋中國的電子政務和線上的國家與社會關係。 本研究主張現今中國社會存在著「數位」群眾路線，它透過中國政府的電子政務被奉行與實現，亦可於政府經營的線上機構中觀察到此數位群眾路線的現行情況。本文審視了電子政務案例，並針對各種案例數據進行了定性檢驗，包括政策文件，個人陳述，在線機構的設計和功能，網民行為以及數值調查和索引。 本文支持以下觀點：（1）政權設計其在線機構，以提供管道促進精英與群眾的直接互動； （2）這些互動可以使社會需求從民眾端流向政府端，從而激發響應性的國家行動； （3）社會需求是由大眾政治參與形成的，政府的回應是經由溝通後的決議而產生的； （4）政權提供的溝通管道繞過次級當局，直接面對民眾，以破壞地方官員的阻撓行為； （5）機構透過宣傳「政府賦監督權於民」的消息以動員網民監督機構； （6）「群眾參與，政府回應」的模式增強了大眾對政治效能的意識，進而支持了政權的合法性； （7）此溝通制度的設計在於鼓勵網民使用國家偏愛的溝通管道參與政治； （8）「道德權威」提供了社會契約，界定了數位群眾路線中政治精英與公眾的互動模式。 該研究具有重要的理論意義，因為與現有文獻不同，現有的文獻定調政權回應的動機為防禦性的，是群眾需求趨動被動產生的反應。本論文表明，在網絡空間中，類似的社會過程是由政權主動推行且具目標導向的國家行動。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) The Mass Line is a Chinese governance ideology. It is characterized by a high rate of direct engagement between political elites and the masses. The masses engage elites with their demands, while elites are obligated to internalize and meet those demands through state action. Mass Line governance seeks to strengthen these interactions, thereby cultivating a regime responsive to the public’s needs. Existing research into the Mass Line shows the ideology’s enduring relevance to China’s (real-world) domestic political sociology. Yet to be examined is whether the ideology affects online state-society relations. Thus, it is worthwhile to ask, does the Mass Line exist in cyberspace? This is especially important given that the average citizen spends most of their discretionary time online making cyberspace a major sphere of Chinese social life. This paper frame’s the Mass Line concept through general systems theory to explain Chinese e-governance and online state-society relations. It argues that there exists a digital Mass Line. The digital Mass Line is pursued and realized through Chinese e-governance and can be observed functioning through state-operated online institutions. This paper examines the e-government case. The argument is qualitatively tested against a diversity of case data, including policy documents, personal statements, the design and function of online institutions, netizen behavior, and numerical surveys and indexes. This paper supports the view that: (1) the regime designs its online institutions to enable and foster elite-mass direct engagement; (2) that engagement allows social demands to flow from society to state, stimulating responsive state action; (3) demands are generated through mass political participation and responsiveness through communicated resolutions; (4) channels for direct engagement bypasses subordinate authorities undermining obstructive behavior from local officials; (5) the institutions mobilize netizen watchdogs by disseminating oversight enabling information; (6) the participation-responsiveness dynamic supports regime legitimacy by enhancing the public’s sense of political efficacy; (7) institutional design features mobilize netizens to participate through state-preferred communication channels; and (8) “moral authority” provides the social contract that circumscribes online Mass Line modes of elite-mass interactions. The research is theoretically significant because, unlike in the existing literature that characterizes the regime’s responsiveness as defensively motivated and a reaction to the masses’ demands, this paper shows that, in cyberspace, analogous social processes result from a proactive regime and goal-oriented state action. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 1 Introduction 11.1 Background 11.2 Mass Line as a System of Governance 21.3 Research Question 31.4 Main Argument 31.5 Theoretical Framework 51.5.1 What is the Mass Line? 51.5.2 The Real-World Mass Line 71.5.3 Regime Responsiveness 91.5.4 Regime Legitimacy 121.5.5 A (Real-World) Mass Line Framework 131.5.6 The Digital Mass Line 141.6 Assumptions 191.7 Research contribution 201.8 Chapter Outline 212 Methodology and Literature Review 232.1 Methodology 232.1.1 Data sources and Testing Strategy 252.2 Literature Review 262.2.1 Authoritarian Responsiveness 272.2.2 Mass Political Participation through Protest 292.2.3 A Theory of Populist Authoritarianism 302.2.4 Is there a Digital Mass Line? 322.2.5 Building Upon the Existing Literature 342.2.5 Authoritarian Resilience 353 Central-Level E-Governance: Ideology and Policies 383.1 Chapter Overview 383.2 The Internet in China Whitepaper 393.2.1 Whitepaper and IOSC Background 393.2.2 The Four Rights 403.2.3 Right #1: The Right To Know 403.2.4 Right #2: The Right to Participate 413.2.5 Right #3: The Right to be Heard 423.2.6 Right #4: Right to Oversee 443.2.7 Governance Agenda #1: Speed 443.2.8 Governance Agenda #2: Direct Communication Channels 453.2.9 The Whitepaper in Summary 463.2.10 The Six Principles’ Caveats 483.3 Case Study: Chinese E-Government – Central Policies 483.3.1 E-Government Background 493.3.2 The Center-Mass Dynamic: A Simplifying Concept 503.3.3 The Government Online Project (1999) 503.3.4 Decree No. 17 of the General Office of The State Council (2002) 513.3.4.1 Provision No. 3 – Information Disclosure 523.3.4.2 Provision No. 4 – Service Provision via E-Portals 523.3.4.3 The Goals of Decree NO. 17 533.3.5 Environmental Disclosure Laws 533.3.5.1 The Environmental Information Disclosure Measures (EIDM) 543.3.5.2 Evaluative Criteria for EIDM Compliance 553.3.5.3 Environmental Protection Law 583.3.6 The Occupy Microblogs Movement 603.3.7 Measuring the Effectiveness of Central E-Government Policy 633.4 Chapter Conclusion 644 Governance Ideology and Political Culture: Local State Actors, Online Institutions and Mass Participation 664.1 Chapter Overview 664.2 A Five Stage Analysis of Provincial E-Portals 674.2.1 The Five-Stage E-Government Development Model 684.2.2 The Five Stages of E-portal Development 684.2.3 E-Government Characteristics of the Prototypical State 704.2.4 China as Similar to the Prototypical state: Shared Motivations with both Authoritarian and Democratic Systems 724.2.5 Data: A Modified OSI Index of Chinese Provincial E-Portals 734.2.6 China as Different from the Prototypical State: A Digital Mass Line Development Pattern 744.3 Mass Line Values Amongst Political Elites 784.4 The State and Society`s Reciprocal Recognition of the Four Rights 804.5 An Analysis of Four Unique Institutions 844.5.1 Background Information for Select Cases 854.5.2 Personalization of Direct link 874.5.3 Promoting Participation via Direct Communication Channels 884.5.4 12345 Mailbox – Institutional Change Over Time 904.5.5 LLMB`s Institutional Development 914.5.6 Responsiveness 924.5.7 Demonstrating the Input-Output Process 944.5.8 Netizen Oversight, Official Information Dissemination and Overcoming Local Obstruction 964.5.9 Concerning the Six Rights 984.6 Chapter Conclusion 995 Conclusion 1025.1 Overview of Findings 1025.2 Discussion: Theoretical Implications and Research Contribution 1075.2.1 Systems Theory and Authoritarian Resilience 1075.2.2 Four Changing Dimensions of Participatory Institutions 1085.2.3 Regime Mobilization 1105.2.4 From a Reactive Defensive Regime to a Proactive Goal-Driven Regime 1115.2.4.1 Support for Existing Theories 1115.2.4.2 Divergences with Populist Authoritarianism 1125.2.4.3 Divergences with Rightful Resistance 1145.2.4.4 Difference with the Protest Literature 1155.2.4.5 The Digital Mass Line`s Divergence with Existing Theory 1165.2.4.6 Regime Transformation 1185.3 Discussion: Research Limitations and Future Research 1195.3.1 Measuring Political Efficacy 1195.3.2 Incorporating Mobilizational Discourse 1205.3.3. Expanding Easton’s Systems Model 121References 122 zh_TW dc.format.extent 2234171 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0106926023 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 中國 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 威權彈性 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 政府回應 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 群眾路線 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 電子政務 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 數位政治 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 在線國家 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 社會關係 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 政權合法性 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 政治參與 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 系統理論 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) China en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) authoritarian resilience en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) responsiveness en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Mass Line en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) e-governance en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) digital politics en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) online state-society relations en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) e-government en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) legitimacy en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) political participation en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) systems theory en_US dc.title (題名) 群眾路線 2.0: 數位治理與中國政權的正當性 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Mass Line 2.0: How China’s Mass Line Governance in Cyberspace Enhances Regime Legitimacy en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (2015). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton university press.Åström, J., Karlsson, M., Linde, J., & Pirannejad, A. (2012). “Understanding the rise of e-participation in non-democracies: Domestic and international factors”, Government Information Quarterly, 29(2), 142–150.Balch, G. I. (1974). “Multiple Indicators in Survey Research: The Concept ‘Sense of Political Efficacy’”, Political Methodology, 1(2), 1–43.Bandurski, D. (2020, January 6) Mass Line Internet Control. China Media Project. Retrieved February 10, 2020, from http://chinamediaproject.orgBoix, C., & Svolik, M. W. (2013). “The Foundations of Limited Authoritarian Government: Institutions, Commitment, and Power-Sharing in Dictatorships”, The Journal of Politics, 75(2), 300–316.Bondes, M., & Schucher, G. (2014). “Derailed emotions: The transformation of claims and targets during the Wenzhou online incident”, Information, Communication & Society, 17(1), 45–65.Cai, Y. (2008). “Power structure and regime resilience: contentious politics in China”, British Journal of Political Science, 38(3), 411-432.Campbell, A., Gurin, G., & Miller, W. E. (1954). The voter decides. Oxford, England: Row, Peterson, and Co..Chen, Y. N., Chen, H. M., Huang, W., & Ching, R. K. (2006). “E-government strategies in developed and developing countries: An implementation framework and case study”, Journal of Global Information Management (JGIM), 14(1), 23-46.Chen, J., Pan, J., & Xu, Y. (2016). “Sources of authoritarian responsiveness: A field experiment in China”, American Journal of Political Science, 60(2), 383-400.Chen, J., & Xu, Y. (2017). “Why Do Authoritarian Regimes Allow Citizens to Voice Opinions Publicly?”, The Journal of Politics, 79(3), 792–803.China and the Internet: A Giant Cage – Special Report. (2013, April 6). The Economist. Retrieved from http://www.economist.comCIIC - China internet Information Center. (2012, November 1). Wang Chen tan wenhua qiangguo jianshe: Cheng zhengfu guanyuan yao zhongshi weib zuoyong (Wang Chen on strengthening cultural construction, calling government officials to value the role of weibo). China Internet Information Center. Retrieved from http://www.china.com.cn/policy/txt/2011-11/01/content_23783947.htmlCIW – China Internet Watch. (2019, April 9). China internet users snapshot 2019. China Internet Watch. Retrieved from https://www.chinainternetwatch.com.CIW – China Internet Watch. (2020, February 27) Weibo MAU grew to 516M in Dec 2019; revenues to decrease by 15% in Q1 2020 . China Internet Watch. Retrieved from https://www.chinainternetwatch.com.Collier, D. (2011). “Understanding Process Tracing”, PS: Political Science & Politics, 44(04), 823–830.Congressional Management Foundation. (2011). Communicating with congress: Perceptions of citizen advocacy on Capitol Hill. Washington, DC: Author.Cook, S. (2019, June 24). China’s Long, Hot Summer of Censorship. The Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/Dawes, S. S. (2008). “The Evolution and Continuing Challenges of E-Governance”. Public Administration Review, 68, S86–S102.Denyer, S. (2013, August 2) In China, Communist Party takes unprecedented step: It is listening. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/Distelhorst, G., & Fu, D. (2019). “Performing Authoritarian Citizenship: Public Transcripts in China”, Perspectives on Politics, 17(1), 106–121.Distelhorst, G., & Hou, Y. (2014). “Ingroup Bias in Official Behavior: A National Field Experiment in China”. Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 9(2), 203–230.Distelhorst, G., & Hou, Y. (2017). “Constituency Service under Nondemocratic Rule: Evidence from China”, The Journal of Politics, 79(3), 1024–1040.Eltantawy, N., & Wiest, J. B. (2011). “The Arab spring| Social media in the Egyptian revolution: reconsidering resource mobilization theory”, International journal of communication, 5, 18.Easton, D. (1965). A Framework for Political Analysis. Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, N.J.EPL - Environmental Protection Law of the People’s Republic of China. (2014). Ministry of Environmental Protection of the People Republic of China.Fedorenko, I., & Sun, Y. (2016). “Microblogging-Based Civic Participation on Environment in China: A Case Study of the PM 2.5 Campaign”, VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 27(5), 2077–2105.Feldstein, S. (2019). “The Road to Digital Unfreedom: How Artificial Intelligence is Reshaping Repression”, Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 40-52.Fewsmith, J., & Nathan, A. J. (2019). “Authoritarian Resilience Revisited: Joseph Fewsmith with Response from Andrew J. Nathan”, Journal of Contemporary China, 28(116), 167-179.Ferry, L., & Eckersley, P. (2015). “Accountability and Transparency: A Nuanced Response to Etzioni”, Public Administration Review, 75(1), 11–12.GOSC - General Office of the State Council. (2002). Decree No. 17. August 5. Retrieved from http://www.china.org.cn/chinese/zhuanti/283233.htmlGuan, P. (2013). “Analysis on Network Opinion Leaders in Public Emergencies——A Case Study of YANG Dacai Event”, Journal of Intelligence, 32(5), 20–24.Gulati, G. J., Jeff, Yates, D. J., & Williams, C. B. (2012). “Understanding the Impact of Political Structure, Governance and Public Policy on E-Government”, 2012 45th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2541–2550.Gilley, B. (2003). “China`s Changing of the Guard: The Limits of Authoritarian Resilience”, Journal of Democracy, 14(1), 18-26.Kay, S., Zhao, B., & Sui, D. (2015). “Can Social Media Clear the Air? A Case Study of the Air Pollution Problem in Chinese Cities”, The Professional Geographer, 67(3), 351–363.Han, R. (2018). Contesting Cyberspace in China: Online expression and authoritarian resilience. Columbia University Press.Hartford, K. (2005). “Dear Mayor: Online Communications with Local Governments in Hangzhou and Nanjing”, China Information, 19(2), 217–260.He, H., & Zhang, J. (2002). “Wangluo Shidai de Zhengfu Guanli Biange [Government innovation in the network age]”, China Soft Science, 136, 71-73.Huang, H., Boranbay-Akan, S., & Huang, L. (2019). Media, Protest Diffusion, and Authoritarian Resilience. Political Science Research and Methods, 7(1), 23–42.Huntington, S. P. (1968). Political order in changing societies. Yale University Press.IOSC - The Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China. (2010) White paper on the Internet in China. Retrieved from https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-06/08/content_9950198.htmlJiang, M., & Xu, H. (2009). “Exploring online structures on Chinese government portals: Citizen political participation and government legitimation”, Social Science Computer Review, 27(2), 174-195.Jun, K.-N., Wang, F., & Wang, D. (2014). “E-Government Use and Perceived Government Transparency and Service Capacity: Evidence from a Chinese Local Government”, Public Performance & Management Review, 38(1), 125–151.Kay, S., Zhao, B., & Sui, D. (2015). “Can Social Media Clear the Air? A Case Study of the Air Pollution Problem in Chinese Cities”, The Professional Geographer, 67(3), 351–363.King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2013). “How censorship in China allows government criticism but silences collective expression”, American Political Science Review, 107(2), 326-343.King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2017). “How the Chinese government fabricates social media posts for strategic distraction, not engaged argument”, American Political Science Review, 111(3), 484-501.Koh, C. E., Ryan, S., & Prybutok, V. R. (2005). “Creating value through managing knowledge in an e-government to constituency (G2C) environment”, Journal of Computer Information Systems, 45(4), 32–41.Li, C. (2012). “The end of the CCP`s resilient authoritarianism? A tripartite assessment of shifting power in China”, The China Quarterly, 211, 595-623.Li, K. (2015). Report on the Work of the Government (2015) [Transcript]. Retrieved from http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/publications/2015/03/05/content_281475066179954.htmLipset, S. (1959). “Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy”, American Political Science Review, 53, 69-105.Lorentzen, P. L. (2013). “Regularizing Rioting: Permitting Public Protest in an Authoritarian Regime”, Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 8(2), 127–158.Lorentzen, P. (2014). “China`s strategic censorship”, American Journal of Political Science, 58(2), 402-414.Lorentzen, P. (2017). “Designing Contentious Politics in Post-1989 China”, Modern China, 43(5), 459–493.Lorentzen, P., Fravel, M. T., & Paine, J. (2017). “Qualitative investigation of theoretical models: The value of process tracing”, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 29(3), 467–491.Ma, L. (2013). “The Diffusion of Government Microblogging: Evidence from Chinese municipal police bureaus”, Public Management Review, 15(2), 288–309.Ma, L. (2014). “Diffusion and Assimilation of Government Microblogging: Evidence from Chinese cities”, Public Management Review, 16(2), 274–295.MacKinnon, R. (2009). “China’s Censorship 2.0: How companies censor bloggers”, First Monday, 14(2).Mao, Zedong. 1967. “Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership”, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. 3. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.Maus, G. (2015). Eye in the Skynet: How Regimes Can Quell Social Movements Before they Begin. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Meng, T., Pan, J., & Yang, P. (2017). “Conditional receptivity to citizen participation: Evidence from a survey experiment in China”, Comparative Political Studies, 50(4), 399-433.MEP – Ministry of Environmental Protection, Information Center of the. (2008-2013). Provincial EPB websites evaluation 2007–2012.Minzner, C. F. (2006). “Xinfang: An alternative to formal chinese legal institutions”, Stanford Journal of International Law, 42(1), 103-180.Minzner, C. F. (2009). “Riots and cover-ups: counterproductive control of local agents in China”, U. Pa. J. Int`l L., 31, 53.Moon, M. J. (2002). The evolution of e-government among municipalities: Rhetoric or reality. Public Administration Review, 62(4), 424–433.Nathan, A. J. (2003). “China`s Changing of the Guard: Authoritarian Resilience”, Journal of Democracy, 14(1), 6-17.North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, institutional change, and economic performance. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press.Noesselt, N. (2014). “Microblogs and the Adaptation of the Chinese Party‐State`s Governance Strategy”, Governance, 27(3), 449-468.Parent, M., Vandebeek, C. A., & Gemino, A. C. (2005). “Building Citizen Trust Through E-government”, Government Information Quarterly, 22(4), 720–736.Thaler, R. H., & Sunstein, C. R. (2009). Nudge: Improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness. Penguin.O’Brien, K. J. & Li, L. (2006). Rightful resistance in rural China. Cambridge University Press.OECD - Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Ed.). (2005). Governance in China. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.Pan, J. (2019). “How Chinese Officials Use the Internet to Construct Their Public Image”, Political Science Research and Methods, 7(2), 197–213.Perry, E. J., & Selden, M. (Eds.). (2010). Chinese society: Change, conflict and resistance (3rd ed). London ; New York: Routledge.Qiang, X. (2019). “The Road to Digital Unfreedom: President Xi`s Surveillance State”, Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 53-67.Qin, B., Strömberg, D., & Wu, Y. (2017). “Why Does China Allow Freer Social Media? Protests versus Surveillance and Propaganda”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 31(1), 117–140.Roberts, M. E. (2018). Censored: distraction and diversion inside China`s Great Firewall. Princeton University Press.Ruan, L., Knockel, J., & Crete-Nishihata, M. (2020, March 3). Censored Contagion: How Information on the Coronavirus is Managed on Chinese Social Media. The Citizen Lab. Retrieved from https://citizenlab.caSchlæger, J., & Jiang, M. (2014). “Official microblogging and social management by local governments in China”, China Information, 28(2), 189–213.Schneider, F. (2018). China`s Digital Nationalism. Oxford University Press.Schneider, S. M., & Foot, K. (2002). “Online structure for political action: Exploring presidential campaign web sites from the 2000 American election”, The Public, 9, 1-17.Seifert, J. W., & Chung, J. (2009). “Using E-Government to Reinforce Government—Citizen Relationships: Comparing Government Reform in the United States and China”, Social Science Computer Review, 27(1), 3–23.Segal, A. (2015). When China Rules the Web: Technology in Service of the State. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://foreignaffairs.com/Shahbaz, A., & Funk A. (2020) Freedom of the Net 2019: The Crisis of Social Media. Freedom House. Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.org/Shi, W., Wang, H., & He, S. (2013). Sentiment analysis of Chinese microblogging based on sentiment ontology: A case study of ‘7.23 Wenzhou Train Collision.’ Connection Science, 25(4), 161–178.Shirk, S. L. (2007). “Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China”, Japanese Journal of Political Science, 8(1), 43–70.Siau, K., & Long, Y. (2005). “Synthesizing e-government stage models – a meta-synthesis based on meta-ethnography approach”, Industrial Management & Data Systems, 105(4), 443–458.Stier, S. (2015). “Political determinants of e-government performance revisited: Comparing democracies and autocracies”, Government Information Quarterly, 32(3), 270-278.Su, Z., & Meng, T. (2016). “Selective responsiveness: Online public demands and government responsiveness in authoritarian China”, Social Science Research, 59, 52–67.Tang, W. (2016). Populist authoritarianism: Chinese political culture and regime sustainability. Oxford University Press.Tolbert, C. J., & Mossberger, K. (2006). “The Effects of E-Government on Trust and Confidence in Government”, Public Administration Review, 66(3), 354–369.Tong, Y., & Lei, S. (2010). “Large-scale mass incidents and government responses in China”, International Journal of China Studies, 1(2), 487-508.United Nations (UN). (2008-2018). United E-Government Survey. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Public Institutions and Digital Government.Van Evera, S. (1997). Guide to methods for students of political science. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Vance, A., Lowry, P. B., & Eggett, D. L. (2015). “Increasing accountability through the user interface design artifacts: A new approach to addressing the problem of access-policy violations”, Mis Quarterly, 39(2), 345-366.Wang, W., & Liu, W. (2015). “Critical Discourse Analysis of News Reports on China’s Bullet-Train Crash”, Studies in Literature and Language, 10(2), 1–8.Wang, L., & Qiu, H. (2002, October 25). Shenhua Xingzheng Guanli Gaige Renzhong Daoyuan [A long way to deepen administrative reform in China]. Xinhua News Agency. Retrieved February 3, 2003, from http://ahrst.ah.gov.cn/rsbzxx20021025jggg1.htmlWang, Z. (2013). “Instruction in Chinese academic libraries”, In Academic Libraries in the US and China (pp. 51-85). Chandos Publishing.Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology (Vol. 1). Univ of California Press.Wertime, D. (2013, August 7). Why China Has Suddenly Embraced Online Polling: It`s about political capital, not democracy. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/World Bank. (2006). Advancing E-Government [in China]. World Bank.Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E., & Sheafer, T. (2013). “Social Media and the Arab Spring: Politics Comes First”, The International Journal of Press/Politics, 18(2), 115–137.Wright, N. (2018). How Artificial Intelligence Will Reshape the Global Order. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Weiss, J. C. (2015). “Popular Protest, Nationalism, and Domestic-International Linkages in Chinese Politics”, In R. A. Scott & S. M. Kosslyn (Eds.), Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences (pp. 1–15).Wen, J. B. (2010), 2010 Annual Government Performance Report to the National People’s Congress. Xinhua News Agency.Wu, Y. (2012). “Micro-blogging as a Rapid Response News Service in Crisis Reporting: The 2011 Wenzhou Train Crash”, JOMEC Journal, 0(1).Wu, Y., & Bauer, J. M. (2010). “E-government in China: Deployment and driving forces of provincial government portals”, Chinese Journal of Communication, 3(3), 290–310.Xi, K. (2012). Xi Jinping`s report at 19th CPC National Congress [Transcript]. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-20338586Yan, X. (2016). “Patrolling Harmony: Pre-emptive authoritarianism and the preservation of stability in W County”, Journal of Contemporary China, 25(99), 406–421.Yang, G. (2009). The power of the Internet in China: Citizen activism online. New York: Columbia University Press.Yang, P., & Meng, T. (2014). “Exploring the consensus and difference of political values of youth public servants in China [qingnian gongwuyuan jiazhiguan de gongshi he chayi yanjiu]”, China Youth Study [Zhongguo Qingnian Yanjiu], 6, 66-70.Zeng, J. (2015). The Chinese Communist Party`s capacity to rule: ideology, legitimacy, and party cohesion. Springer.Zeng, J. (2016). “China`s date with big data: will it strengthen or threaten authoritarian rule?”, International Affairs, 92(6), 1443-1462.Zenz, A. (2015). Reeducation Returns to China: Will the Repression in Xinjiang Influence Beijing’s Social Credit System?. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/Zhang, Q., & Chan, J. L. (2013). “New development: Fiscal transparency in China—government policy and the role of social media”, Public Money & Management, 33(1), 71–75.Zhang, L., Mol, A. P., & He, G. (2016). “Transparency and information disclosure in China’s environmental governance”, Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 18, 17–24.Zheng, S., Kahn, M. E., Sun, W., & Luo, D. (2014). “Incentives for China’s urban mayors to mitigate pollution externalities: The role of the central government and public environmentalism”, Regional Science and Urban Economics, 47, 61–71.Zhou, X. (2004). “E-government in China: A content analysis of national and provincial web sites”, Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 9(4).Zhu, Huaxin, Xuegang Dan, and Jiangchun Hu 2011. “2011 nian Zhongguo hulianwang yuqing fenxi baogao” [“2011 Report on Public Opinion on the Chinese Internet”]. Retrieved from http://yuqing.people.com.cn/GB/16698341.htmlZuboff, S. (2019). The age of surveillance capitalism: The fight for a human future at the new frontier of power. Profile Books. zh_TW dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6814/NCCU202001813 en_US
