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題名 台語的輔音孳生與音節重組
Gemination And Resyllabification In Taiwanese作者 吳欣蓉
Wu, Xin-Rong貢獻者 蕭宇超
Yuchau E. Hsiao
吳欣蓉
Wu, Xin-Rong關鍵詞 台語
輔音孳生
音節重組
優選理論
Taiwanese
Gemination
Resyllabification
Optimality Theory日期 2022 上傳時間 2-Sep-2022 14:38:05 (UTC+8) 摘要 本文以優選理論（Optimality Theory）探討台語的輔音孳生與音節重組。前人多將塞音輔音孳生之音段視為不一致的長輔音，例如，將tik-a（竹仔）視為tik-ga（Chiang 1992, Chung 1996, Lin 1989等）。然而，不一致的孳生音段違反Kenstowicz（1994）所提出的不變性（inalterability），也就是輔音孳生音段的性質應保持相同，因此本研究將tik-a（竹仔）的輔音孳生形式視為[tig͜.ga]。再者，前人多以衍生（derivational）音韻理論將輔音孳生詮釋為多步驟的音韻現象，本研究則以優選理論將tik-a（竹仔）孳生為[tig͜.ga]的過程分析為單步驟的映射（mapping）。而前人對於輔音孳生的音韻範疇亦看法不一（Chung 1996, Yip 1990），本文提出能成功預測塞音與鼻音輔音孳生的對整制約，認為輔音孳生發生於一個音韻詞（phonological word）以內。台語的輔音孳生與音節重組互為替代讀法（alternative readings），例如ap-a（盒仔）可念作輔音孳生形式的[ʔab͜.ba]或音節重組形式的[ʔa.ba]，本研究以古典優選理論（Classic Optimality Theory, Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004）分析此二現象，並分別以下列四組制約解釋，*VTV與INALTERABILITY 高於IDENT-VOICE可確保孳生的濁音音段出現；CODA-CONDITION、IDENT-σ-ROLE與ONSET高於IDENT-LONG能確保延長韻尾的輔音孳生形式出現；ALIGN-L¬¬PL 與ALIGN-L¬¬LP能規範輔音孳生的音韻範疇；CRISPEDGE[ω]則能確保輔音孳生與音節重組僅會發生在一個音韻詞以內。而輔音孳生與音節重組制約排序的最大不同之處，則是ID-σ-ROLE高於IDENT-LONG時，輔音孳生形式會出現，反之則為音節重組。本文亦檢視了三種處理語言變異（language variation）的延伸優選理論：在浮動制約模型（Floating Constraints, Reynolds 1994）中，將ID-σ-ROLE視作浮動制約雖可成功得出輔音孳生與音節重組的語法，卻會預測出實際上並不存在的鼻音音節重組形式；在評價排序模組（Rank-ordering Model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006）中，需以移動中界線（cut-off line）所得出的兩個語法才能分別解釋鼻音與塞音的輔音孳生，違反此理論欲以單一語法解釋語言變異現象的核心概念；而在並存音韻理論（Cophonology Theory, Inkelas & Zoll 2007）中，雖可將輔音孳生與音節重組各自視為一種並存音韻語法，但此理論多應用於構詞驅動（morphologically motivated）的語言現象，輔音孳生與音節重組的關係與此概念並不相近。因此，本文認為僅有古典優選理論能成功預測台語的輔音孳生與音節重組。
This thesis investigates gemination and resyllabification in Taiwanese and provides an analysis based on Optimality Theory (OT). Most studies treat geminates as inconsistent consonants, for example, Chiang (1992), Chung (1996), Lin (1989), among others consider tik-ga as the gemination form of tik-a ‘bamboo (竹仔)’. This geminated form thus violates the concept of geminate inalterability which considers the two parts of the geminate a long segment and must have the same features (Kenstowicz, 1994). Also, the tik-a to tik-ga mapping requires multiple derivations. The present thesis argues that the gemination form for tik-a is actually [tig͜.ga], rather than [tik͜.ga] or [tik͜.ka], and that the gemination can be mapped within a single step under Optimality Theory. The prosodic domain where gemination occurs is also inconsistent in previous studies, the present paper posits a set of constraints to govern the domain of phonological word that triggers gemination, and offers a unified treatment to predict both obstruent and nasal gemination.Words like ap-a box (盒仔)’ can be either geminated as [ʔab͜.ba] or resyllabified as [ʔa.ba], which are alternative readings in Taiwanese. This thesis offers an analysis based on the Classic Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004). First, *VTV and INALTERABILITY outranks IDENT-VOICE, and ensures that the voiced geminate can surface. Second, the ranking of CODA-CONDITION, IDENT-σ-ROLE and ONSET above IDENT-LONG makes sure that the geminated output can be optimal. Third, the constraints ALIGN-L¬¬PL and ALIGN-L¬¬LP¬¬¬¬¬ serve to define the correct prosodic domain. Last, the constraint CRISPEDGE[ω] prevents gemination and resyllabification from applying across phonological words. Under the classic OT, if the constraint IDENT-σ-ROLE ranks lower than IDENT-LONG, the resyllabification form can surface.Aside from the classic OT, three extended OTs related to language variation are also examined. First, under the Floating Constraint framework, IDENT-σ-ROLE can serve as the Floating Constraint, and its different position in the ranking can lead to different grammars. However, this approach allows nasal resyllabification forms to occur, which is actually not the case. Second, the Rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) cannot predict the difference between obstruent gemination and nasal gemination; it requires to move the critical cut-off in different positions, which contradicts to the basic idea of the ROE theory. Last, under Cophonology theory can gemination be obtained by one cophonology and resyllabification by another. However, variation analyzed with Cophonology Theory is mostly morphologically motivated, the variation between gemination and resyllabification is hence not well motivated under this approach. Thus, only the Classic Optimality theory can successfully predict gemination and resyllabification in Taiwanese.參考文獻 Anttila, A. (1995). Deriving variation from grammar: A study of Finnish genitives. ROA-63. 1-28.Chiang, W. Y. (1992). The Prosodic Morphology and Phonology of Affixation in Taiwanese and Other Chinese Languages [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Delaware.Chung, R. F. (1996). The segmental phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan. Crane Publishing.Coetzee, A. W. (2006). Variation as accessing ‘non-optimal’ candidates. Phonology, 23, 337-385.Cho, Y.-m. Y. (1995, August). Language change as reranking of constraints [Paper presentation]. International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Manchester, England.Duanmu, S. (1990). A Formal Study of Syllable, Tone, Stress and Domain in Chinese Langauges [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Hsieh, F. F. & Chang, Y. C. (2011, December 10-14). Gemination in Taiwanese diminutives: A typological anomaly? [Conference presentation]. NINJAL International Conference on Phonetics and Phonology 2011, Kyoto, Japan.Inkelas, S. & Zoll, C. (2007). Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology. Linguistics. 45(1), 133-171.Ito, J. (1986). Syllable theory in prosodic phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Massachusetts.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (1999a). Realignment. In R. Kager, H. Hulst, & W. Zonneveld (Eds.), The Prosody-Morphology Interface (pp. 188-217). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (1999b). The Phonological Lexicon. In N. Tsujimura, (Ed.), The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics (pp. 62-100). Malden, MA, and Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2009). The extended prosodic word. In J. Grijzenhout & B. Kabak (Eds.), Phonological Domains: Universals and Deviations (pp. 135-194). Berlin, New York: De Gruyter Mouton.Kahn, D. (1976). Syllable-based generalizations in English phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Kenstowicz, M. (1994). Phonology in generative grammar. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.Kenstowicz, M., & Pyle, C. (1973). On the phonological integrity of geminate clusters. In M. Kenstowicz & C. Kisseberth (Eds.), Issues in phonological theory (pp. 27-43). The Hague: Mouton.Kiparsky, P. (1979). Metrical structure assignment is cyclic. Linguistic inquiry, 10(3),421-441.Kiparsky, P. (1993). Variable rules. Handout distributed at the Rutgers Optimality Workshop (ROW1).Liberman, M. (1993). Optionality and optimality. Fragment of a draft, Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania.Lin, H. -S. (2012). Variations in Kavalan Reduplication. Language and Linguistics, 13(6), 1051-1093Lin, Y. H. (1989). Autosegmental Treatment of Segmental Process in Chinese Phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Texas at Austin.McCarthy, J. J. (2008). Doing optimality theory: Applying theory to data. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Nespor, M., & Vogel, I. (1986). Prosodic phonology. Dordrecht: Foris.Orgun, C. O. (1996). Sign-based morphology and phonology: with special attention to Optimality Theory [Doctoral dissertation]. University of California, Berkeley.Prince, A. & Somlensky, P. (1993/2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA, & Oxford: Blackwell.Reynolds, W. T. (1994). Variation and phonological theory [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Pennsylvania.Rose, S. & Walker, R. (2004). A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80(3), 475-531.Selkirk, E. (1981). On prosodic structure and its relation to syntactic structure. In T. Fretheim (ed.), Nordic Prosody II: Papers from a Symposium (pp. 111-140). Trondheim: TAPIR.Selkirk, E. (1986). On derived domains in sentence phonology. Phonology Yearbook, 3, 371-405.Tranel, B. (1996). French liaison and elision revisited: A unified account within Optimality Theory. Aspects of Romance linguistics, 275, 291-312.Wang, H. S., & Liu, H. C. (2010). The morphologization of liaison consonants in Taiwan Min and Taiwan Hakka. Language and Linguistics, 11(1), 1-20.Yip, M. (1980). The Tonal Phonology of Chinese [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Yu, A. (2005). Quantity, stress and reduplication in Washo. Phonology, 22(3), 437-475. 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
107555007資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107555007 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 蕭宇超 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Yuchau E. Hsiao en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 吳欣蓉 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Wu, Xin-Rong en_US dc.creator (作者) 吳欣蓉 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Wu, Xin-Rong en_US dc.date (日期) 2022 en_US dc.date.accessioned 2-Sep-2022 14:38:05 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 2-Sep-2022 14:38:05 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 2-Sep-2022 14:38:05 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0107555007 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/141515 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 107555007 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本文以優選理論（Optimality Theory）探討台語的輔音孳生與音節重組。前人多將塞音輔音孳生之音段視為不一致的長輔音，例如，將tik-a（竹仔）視為tik-ga（Chiang 1992, Chung 1996, Lin 1989等）。然而，不一致的孳生音段違反Kenstowicz（1994）所提出的不變性（inalterability），也就是輔音孳生音段的性質應保持相同，因此本研究將tik-a（竹仔）的輔音孳生形式視為[tig͜.ga]。再者，前人多以衍生（derivational）音韻理論將輔音孳生詮釋為多步驟的音韻現象，本研究則以優選理論將tik-a（竹仔）孳生為[tig͜.ga]的過程分析為單步驟的映射（mapping）。而前人對於輔音孳生的音韻範疇亦看法不一（Chung 1996, Yip 1990），本文提出能成功預測塞音與鼻音輔音孳生的對整制約，認為輔音孳生發生於一個音韻詞（phonological word）以內。台語的輔音孳生與音節重組互為替代讀法（alternative readings），例如ap-a（盒仔）可念作輔音孳生形式的[ʔab͜.ba]或音節重組形式的[ʔa.ba]，本研究以古典優選理論（Classic Optimality Theory, Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004）分析此二現象，並分別以下列四組制約解釋，*VTV與INALTERABILITY 高於IDENT-VOICE可確保孳生的濁音音段出現；CODA-CONDITION、IDENT-σ-ROLE與ONSET高於IDENT-LONG能確保延長韻尾的輔音孳生形式出現；ALIGN-L¬¬PL 與ALIGN-L¬¬LP能規範輔音孳生的音韻範疇；CRISPEDGE[ω]則能確保輔音孳生與音節重組僅會發生在一個音韻詞以內。而輔音孳生與音節重組制約排序的最大不同之處，則是ID-σ-ROLE高於IDENT-LONG時，輔音孳生形式會出現，反之則為音節重組。本文亦檢視了三種處理語言變異（language variation）的延伸優選理論：在浮動制約模型（Floating Constraints, Reynolds 1994）中，將ID-σ-ROLE視作浮動制約雖可成功得出輔音孳生與音節重組的語法，卻會預測出實際上並不存在的鼻音音節重組形式；在評價排序模組（Rank-ordering Model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006）中，需以移動中界線（cut-off line）所得出的兩個語法才能分別解釋鼻音與塞音的輔音孳生，違反此理論欲以單一語法解釋語言變異現象的核心概念；而在並存音韻理論（Cophonology Theory, Inkelas & Zoll 2007）中，雖可將輔音孳生與音節重組各自視為一種並存音韻語法，但此理論多應用於構詞驅動（morphologically motivated）的語言現象，輔音孳生與音節重組的關係與此概念並不相近。因此，本文認為僅有古典優選理論能成功預測台語的輔音孳生與音節重組。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) This thesis investigates gemination and resyllabification in Taiwanese and provides an analysis based on Optimality Theory (OT). Most studies treat geminates as inconsistent consonants, for example, Chiang (1992), Chung (1996), Lin (1989), among others consider tik-ga as the gemination form of tik-a ‘bamboo (竹仔)’. This geminated form thus violates the concept of geminate inalterability which considers the two parts of the geminate a long segment and must have the same features (Kenstowicz, 1994). Also, the tik-a to tik-ga mapping requires multiple derivations. The present thesis argues that the gemination form for tik-a is actually [tig͜.ga], rather than [tik͜.ga] or [tik͜.ka], and that the gemination can be mapped within a single step under Optimality Theory. The prosodic domain where gemination occurs is also inconsistent in previous studies, the present paper posits a set of constraints to govern the domain of phonological word that triggers gemination, and offers a unified treatment to predict both obstruent and nasal gemination.Words like ap-a box (盒仔)’ can be either geminated as [ʔab͜.ba] or resyllabified as [ʔa.ba], which are alternative readings in Taiwanese. This thesis offers an analysis based on the Classic Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004). First, *VTV and INALTERABILITY outranks IDENT-VOICE, and ensures that the voiced geminate can surface. Second, the ranking of CODA-CONDITION, IDENT-σ-ROLE and ONSET above IDENT-LONG makes sure that the geminated output can be optimal. Third, the constraints ALIGN-L¬¬PL and ALIGN-L¬¬LP¬¬¬¬¬ serve to define the correct prosodic domain. Last, the constraint CRISPEDGE[ω] prevents gemination and resyllabification from applying across phonological words. Under the classic OT, if the constraint IDENT-σ-ROLE ranks lower than IDENT-LONG, the resyllabification form can surface.Aside from the classic OT, three extended OTs related to language variation are also examined. First, under the Floating Constraint framework, IDENT-σ-ROLE can serve as the Floating Constraint, and its different position in the ranking can lead to different grammars. However, this approach allows nasal resyllabification forms to occur, which is actually not the case. Second, the Rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) cannot predict the difference between obstruent gemination and nasal gemination; it requires to move the critical cut-off in different positions, which contradicts to the basic idea of the ROE theory. Last, under Cophonology theory can gemination be obtained by one cophonology and resyllabification by another. However, variation analyzed with Cophonology Theory is mostly morphologically motivated, the variation between gemination and resyllabification is hence not well motivated under this approach. Thus, only the Classic Optimality theory can successfully predict gemination and resyllabification in Taiwanese. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents CHINESE ABSTRACT iiiENGLISH ABSTRACT vChapter 1 Introduction 1Chapter 2 Literature Review and Theoretical Background 42.1 Literature Review 42.1.1 Gemination and Resyllabification in Taiwanese 42.1.2 Similar Phenomena in Other Languages 62.2 Theoretical Background 92.2.1 The Classic Optimality Theory 92.2.2 Optimality Theories about Language Variation 132.2.2.1 Floating Constraint Theory 142.2.2.2 Rank-ordering Model of EVAL 152.2.2.3 Cophonology Theory 18Chapter 3 Gemination in Taiwanese 203.1 Nasal Gemination 203.2 Obstruent Gemination 213.3 An OT Analysis 233.4 Summary 35Chapter 4 Resyllabification and Phonological Blockage 364.1 Resyllabification 364.2 An OT Analysis 374.3 Phonological Blockage 414.4 Summary 50Chapter 5 Some Comments on the Variation 545.1 Analysis of Floating Constraints 545.2 Analysis of Rank-ordering model of EVAL 595.3 Analysis of Cophonology Theory 615.4 Summary 63Chapter 6 Conclusion 64BIBLIOGRAPHY 67 zh_TW dc.format.extent 1112880 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0107555007 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 台語 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 輔音孳生 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 音節重組 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 優選理論 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) Taiwanese en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Gemination en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Resyllabification en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Optimality Theory en_US dc.title (題名) 台語的輔音孳生與音節重組 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Gemination And Resyllabification In Taiwanese en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Anttila, A. (1995). Deriving variation from grammar: A study of Finnish genitives. ROA-63. 1-28.Chiang, W. Y. (1992). The Prosodic Morphology and Phonology of Affixation in Taiwanese and Other Chinese Languages [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Delaware.Chung, R. F. (1996). The segmental phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan. Crane Publishing.Coetzee, A. W. (2006). Variation as accessing ‘non-optimal’ candidates. Phonology, 23, 337-385.Cho, Y.-m. Y. (1995, August). Language change as reranking of constraints [Paper presentation]. International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Manchester, England.Duanmu, S. (1990). A Formal Study of Syllable, Tone, Stress and Domain in Chinese Langauges [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Hsieh, F. F. & Chang, Y. C. (2011, December 10-14). Gemination in Taiwanese diminutives: A typological anomaly? [Conference presentation]. NINJAL International Conference on Phonetics and Phonology 2011, Kyoto, Japan.Inkelas, S. & Zoll, C. (2007). Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology. Linguistics. 45(1), 133-171.Ito, J. (1986). Syllable theory in prosodic phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Massachusetts.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (1999a). Realignment. In R. Kager, H. Hulst, & W. Zonneveld (Eds.), The Prosody-Morphology Interface (pp. 188-217). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (1999b). The Phonological Lexicon. In N. Tsujimura, (Ed.), The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics (pp. 62-100). Malden, MA, and Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2009). The extended prosodic word. In J. Grijzenhout & B. Kabak (Eds.), Phonological Domains: Universals and Deviations (pp. 135-194). Berlin, New York: De Gruyter Mouton.Kahn, D. (1976). Syllable-based generalizations in English phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Kenstowicz, M. (1994). Phonology in generative grammar. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.Kenstowicz, M., & Pyle, C. (1973). On the phonological integrity of geminate clusters. In M. Kenstowicz & C. Kisseberth (Eds.), Issues in phonological theory (pp. 27-43). The Hague: Mouton.Kiparsky, P. (1979). Metrical structure assignment is cyclic. Linguistic inquiry, 10(3),421-441.Kiparsky, P. (1993). Variable rules. Handout distributed at the Rutgers Optimality Workshop (ROW1).Liberman, M. (1993). Optionality and optimality. Fragment of a draft, Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania.Lin, H. -S. (2012). Variations in Kavalan Reduplication. Language and Linguistics, 13(6), 1051-1093Lin, Y. H. (1989). Autosegmental Treatment of Segmental Process in Chinese Phonology [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Texas at Austin.McCarthy, J. J. (2008). Doing optimality theory: Applying theory to data. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Nespor, M., & Vogel, I. (1986). Prosodic phonology. Dordrecht: Foris.Orgun, C. O. (1996). Sign-based morphology and phonology: with special attention to Optimality Theory [Doctoral dissertation]. University of California, Berkeley.Prince, A. & Somlensky, P. (1993/2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA, & Oxford: Blackwell.Reynolds, W. T. (1994). Variation and phonological theory [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Pennsylvania.Rose, S. & Walker, R. (2004). A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80(3), 475-531.Selkirk, E. (1981). On prosodic structure and its relation to syntactic structure. In T. Fretheim (ed.), Nordic Prosody II: Papers from a Symposium (pp. 111-140). Trondheim: TAPIR.Selkirk, E. (1986). On derived domains in sentence phonology. Phonology Yearbook, 3, 371-405.Tranel, B. (1996). French liaison and elision revisited: A unified account within Optimality Theory. Aspects of Romance linguistics, 275, 291-312.Wang, H. S., & Liu, H. C. (2010). The morphologization of liaison consonants in Taiwan Min and Taiwan Hakka. Language and Linguistics, 11(1), 1-20.Yip, M. (1980). The Tonal Phonology of Chinese [Doctoral dissertation]. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Yu, A. (2005). Quantity, stress and reduplication in Washo. Phonology, 22(3), 437-475. zh_TW dc.identifier.doi (DOI) 10.6814/NCCU202201059 en_US
