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題名 台灣華語可愛語疊字之聲調變化
The tone changes of cute-talk reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin作者 陳霈謙
Chen, Pei-Chien貢獻者 蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yuchau E.
陳霈謙
Chen, Pei-Chien關鍵詞 台灣華語
變調
聲調詞素
疊字
優選理論
並存音韻
Taiwan Mandarin
Tone change
Tonal morpheme
Reduplication
Optimality Theory
Cophonology日期 2023 上傳時間 2-Aug-2023 14:08:40 (UTC+8) 摘要 本文旨在研究存在於台灣華語中的特殊名詞疊字現象，例如：「狗狗gouLgouLH/ gouLgouH」、「爸爸baLbaLH」和「凱凱kaiLkaiLH/ kaiLkaiH」，它們廣泛地被用來展示說話者和聽話者之間的親密關係。Huang (2016) 將這種名詞疊字稱作「可愛語疊字 (Cute-talk Reduplication)。」可愛語疊字和一般華語中的名詞疊字不同，其聲調產出有著[L.LH]/[L.H]的特殊變調；在構詞方面，也較一般華語名詞疊字豐富、多產。可愛語疊字可以套用在親屬稱謂詞素、一般名詞詞素或是形成疊字暱稱。然而，並非所有可愛語疊字的聲調產出都帶有[L.LH]/[L.H]的變調，它們會根據詞根的詞彙聲調和詞彙類型而決定變調與否。親屬稱謂詞素無論詞根的詞彙聲調為何，其聲調產出皆為[L.LH]。一般名詞詞素和疊字暱稱方面，若詞根為二聲([LH])或三聲([L])，會發生[L.LH]的變調；反之，一聲([H])和四聲([HL])則不會變調且維持一般名詞疊字的聲調產出；最後，僅有三聲([L])的詞根能有另一種聲調產出：[L.H]。依詞彙類型不同以及詞彙聲調與聲調產出之間的關係，本文在此將可愛語疊字再細分為三個次分類：(a) 親暱親屬稱謂疊字、(b)一般名詞親暱化疊字、(c)暱稱疊字。本研究將透過Huang (2016)提出的可愛語疊字浮動聲調分析、優選理論(Optimality Theory)和並存音韻理論(Cophonology)來解釋和分析可愛語疊字的變調現象。首先，Huang (2016)指出可愛語的[L.LH]/[L.H]變調皆是來自由浮動聲調Ⓛ、Ⓗ組成的可愛語聲調詞素。兩種不同的聲調產出則是因浮動聲調和音節的連接方式差異所致，且二者互為同位語素變體。接著在優選理論的架構下，提出得以預測變調的相應對整制約(Alignment Constraints)和聲調制約(Tonal Constraints)之排序。不發生變調的詞根，則是由於相應的信實制約(Faithfulness Constraints)高於對整制約因而受到限制。最後，三聲詞根於有時會允許兩種自由變體產出。對此，是因為可愛語疊字中有著並存的不同制約排序。此外，可愛語疊字的三種次分類亦有著各自的並存音韻制約排序。
There is a special phenomenon of nominal reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin—a phenomenon which Huang (2016) termed cute-talk reduplication; examples of this include “狗狗 ‘dog’ gouLgouLH/ gouLgouH,” “爸爸 baLbaLH ‘daddy’” and “凱凱 ‘nickname’ kaiLkaiLH/ kaiLkaiH.” Cute-talk reduplication is widely used to show an intimate relationship between speakers and addressees. Unlike the normal nominal reduplication of Mandarin, cute-talk reduplication undergoes the [L.LH]/[L.H] tone change and can, morphologically, be applied to kinship terms, normal nouns and names. Cute-talk reduplication seems to be much more productive than normal nominal reduplication, but there are also some limitations: the prosodic size and the semantic matching. The stem must be monosyllabic and able to match the intimate meaning which is indicated in cute-talk reduplication. However, the [L.LH]/[L.H] tone change does not always occur; it seems to be conditioned by the tonal type and lexical type of the stem. To sum up, all of the kinship morphemes apply to the [L.LH] tone change, while only [LH] and [L] tone normal nouns and names apply to the [L.LH] tone change; additionally, [L] tone normal nouns and names are able to derive another variant tonal output [L.H]. One exceptional condition is that the [L] tone name is not originally a noun, and is instead derived from a free morpheme of other lexical categories, e.g., 美美 meiLHmeiL, *meiLmeiLH/*meiLmeiH; in this situation, it will apply to third tone sandhi. According to the lexical types and the interaction between lexical tones of stems and tone change, I will categorize cute-talk reduplication into three subcategories: (a) intimate kinship reduplication, (b) intimate nouns reduplication, and (c) nickname reduplication. In previous research, two main approaches have been employed to explain tone change: fixed tone pattern analysis and floating tone analysis. They will be compared here, and it can be immediately noted that some evidence has shown that Huang’s (2016) floating tone analysis is far superior to fixed tone pattern analysis. Huang suggested that /Ⓛ Ⓗ/ is the tonal morpheme of cute-talk and both [L.LH]/[L.H] are allomorphs which have different mapping of /Ⓛ Ⓗ/. Semantically, the cute-talk tonal morpheme serves to add a semantic feature [CUTE]. This research aims to explain these tonal phenomena of cute-talk reduplication from the perspectives of Optimality Theory (OT) and Cophonology. Some stems will not apply to tone change because there are certain faithfulness constraints which dominate the morphological alignment constraints, thus blocking those stems from associating with /Ⓛ Ⓗ/. The two free tonal variants [L.LH]/[L.H] are due to the different cophonologies; furthermore, those three subtypes of cute-talk reduplication also have their own cophonologies.參考文獻 Anttila, A. (1997). Deriving variation from grammar. Variation, change and phonological theory, ed. by Frans Hinskens, Roeland Van Hout, and W. Leo Wetzels, 35-68. In: Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Anttila, A. (2002). Morphologically conditioned phonological alternations. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 20(1), 1-42.Anttila, A. (2009). Derived environment effects in colloquial Helsinki Finnish. The nature of the word: Essays in honor of Paul Kiparsky, 433-460.Cahill, M. (2000). Tonal associative morphemes in Optimality Theory.Chao, Y. R. (1968). A grammar of spoken Chinese / by Yuen Ren Chao. University of California Press.Chao, Y. R. (2011). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Commercial Press. https://books.google.com.tw/books?id=NXY0mwEACAAJCoetzee, A. W. (2006). Variation as accessing ‘non-optimal’candidates. Phonology, 23(3), 337-385.Downing, L. J. (2005). The emergence of the marked: tone in some African reduplicative systems. Studies on reduplication, 89-110.Duanmu, S. (2007). The phonology of standard Chinese. OUP Oxford.Erbaugh, M. S. (1992). The acquisition of Mandarin. In The crosslinguistic study of language acquisition (pp. 373-455). Psychology Press.Feng, S. (2018). Prosodic morphology of Mandarin Chinese / Shengli Feng. Routledge.Goldsmith, J. (1976). Autosegmental phonology MIT Press London].Goldsmith, J. (1987). Tone and accent, and getting the two together. Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,Hsieh, F. F. (2017). Reduplication. Encyclopedia of Chinese language and linguistics, 3, 548-555.Hsu, H. C. (2006). Revisiting tone and prominence in Chinese. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS-TAIPEI-, 7(1), 109.Huang, T. C. (2016). I-R Tonal Mapping: Evidence from the "Cute-talk" Reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin The 28th North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics,Inkelas, S. (2008). The dual theory of reduplication.Inkelas, S., & Zoll, C. (2005). Reduplication doubling in morphology / Sharon Inkelas, Cheryl Zoll. Cambridge University Press.Inkelas, S., & Zoll, C. (2007). Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2019). Pitch accent and tonal alignment in Kagoshima Japanese. The Linguistic Review, 36(1), 1-24.Li, C. N., & Thompson, S. A. (1989). Mandarin Chinese: A functional reference grammar (Vol. 3). Univ of California Press.Lin, H. S. (2004). Directionality in Tone Sandhi and the Effect of Identity Preservation, unpublished PhD Dissertation. National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan.Lin, H. S. (2007). Aspects of Mandarin neutral tone. Bookman Publishing.Lin, Y.-H. (2007). The Sounds of Chinese with Audio CD (Vol. 1). Cambridge University Press.MacWhinney, B. (2000). The CHILDES project: The database (Vol. 2). Psychology Press.McCarthy, J. J. (1995). Extensions of faithfulness: Rotuman revisited. Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series, 36.McCarthy, J. J. (2008). Doing optimality theory : applying theory to data / John J. McCarthy. Blackwell Pub.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1993). Prosodic morphology: Constraint interaction and satisfaction.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1994). The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodic morphology.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1995). Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series, 10.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1999). Faithfulness and identity in prosodic morphology. The prosody-morphology interface, 9.Orgun, C. O. (1996). Sign-based morphology and phonology with special attention to Optimality Theory. University of California, Berkeley.Prince, A., & Smolensky, P. (2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. John Wiley & Sons.Shih, C. L. (1986). THE PROSODIC DOMAIN OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE (PHRASAL PHONOLOGY, TONAL TYPOLOGY, MANDARIN, SYNTAX-PHONOLOGY INTERFACE). University of California, San Diego.Wang, C. Y. (2011). Children`s acquisition of Tone 3 Sandhi in Mandarin ProQuest Dissertations Publishing].Yeh, C. H. (2010). Comparison of Phonetic Naturalness between Rising-Falling and Falling-Rising Tonal Patterns in Taiwan Mandarin. Speech Prosody 2010-Fifth International Conference,Yin, Y. M. (1989). Phonological aspects of word formation in Mandarin Chinese. The University of Texas at Austin.Yin, Y. M. (1991). Some Major Issues in Mandarin Tonal Phonology / Yuen-Mei Yin.Yip, M. (1980). The tonal phonology of Chinese Massachusetts Institute of Technology].Yip, M. (1989). Contour tones. Phonology, 6(1), 149-174.Yip, M. (1998). Identity avoidance in phonology and morphology.Yip, M. (2002). Tone. Cambridge University Press. 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
109555007資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0109555007 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 蕭宇超 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Hsiao, Yuchau E. en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 陳霈謙 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Chen, Pei-Chien en_US dc.creator (作者) 陳霈謙 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Chen, Pei-Chien en_US dc.date (日期) 2023 en_US dc.date.accessioned 2-Aug-2023 14:08:40 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 2-Aug-2023 14:08:40 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 2-Aug-2023 14:08:40 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0109555007 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/146588 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 109555007 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本文旨在研究存在於台灣華語中的特殊名詞疊字現象，例如：「狗狗gouLgouLH/ gouLgouH」、「爸爸baLbaLH」和「凱凱kaiLkaiLH/ kaiLkaiH」，它們廣泛地被用來展示說話者和聽話者之間的親密關係。Huang (2016) 將這種名詞疊字稱作「可愛語疊字 (Cute-talk Reduplication)。」可愛語疊字和一般華語中的名詞疊字不同，其聲調產出有著[L.LH]/[L.H]的特殊變調；在構詞方面，也較一般華語名詞疊字豐富、多產。可愛語疊字可以套用在親屬稱謂詞素、一般名詞詞素或是形成疊字暱稱。然而，並非所有可愛語疊字的聲調產出都帶有[L.LH]/[L.H]的變調，它們會根據詞根的詞彙聲調和詞彙類型而決定變調與否。親屬稱謂詞素無論詞根的詞彙聲調為何，其聲調產出皆為[L.LH]。一般名詞詞素和疊字暱稱方面，若詞根為二聲([LH])或三聲([L])，會發生[L.LH]的變調；反之，一聲([H])和四聲([HL])則不會變調且維持一般名詞疊字的聲調產出；最後，僅有三聲([L])的詞根能有另一種聲調產出：[L.H]。依詞彙類型不同以及詞彙聲調與聲調產出之間的關係，本文在此將可愛語疊字再細分為三個次分類：(a) 親暱親屬稱謂疊字、(b)一般名詞親暱化疊字、(c)暱稱疊字。本研究將透過Huang (2016)提出的可愛語疊字浮動聲調分析、優選理論(Optimality Theory)和並存音韻理論(Cophonology)來解釋和分析可愛語疊字的變調現象。首先，Huang (2016)指出可愛語的[L.LH]/[L.H]變調皆是來自由浮動聲調Ⓛ、Ⓗ組成的可愛語聲調詞素。兩種不同的聲調產出則是因浮動聲調和音節的連接方式差異所致，且二者互為同位語素變體。接著在優選理論的架構下，提出得以預測變調的相應對整制約(Alignment Constraints)和聲調制約(Tonal Constraints)之排序。不發生變調的詞根，則是由於相應的信實制約(Faithfulness Constraints)高於對整制約因而受到限制。最後，三聲詞根於有時會允許兩種自由變體產出。對此，是因為可愛語疊字中有著並存的不同制約排序。此外，可愛語疊字的三種次分類亦有著各自的並存音韻制約排序。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) There is a special phenomenon of nominal reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin—a phenomenon which Huang (2016) termed cute-talk reduplication; examples of this include “狗狗 ‘dog’ gouLgouLH/ gouLgouH,” “爸爸 baLbaLH ‘daddy’” and “凱凱 ‘nickname’ kaiLkaiLH/ kaiLkaiH.” Cute-talk reduplication is widely used to show an intimate relationship between speakers and addressees. Unlike the normal nominal reduplication of Mandarin, cute-talk reduplication undergoes the [L.LH]/[L.H] tone change and can, morphologically, be applied to kinship terms, normal nouns and names. Cute-talk reduplication seems to be much more productive than normal nominal reduplication, but there are also some limitations: the prosodic size and the semantic matching. The stem must be monosyllabic and able to match the intimate meaning which is indicated in cute-talk reduplication. However, the [L.LH]/[L.H] tone change does not always occur; it seems to be conditioned by the tonal type and lexical type of the stem. To sum up, all of the kinship morphemes apply to the [L.LH] tone change, while only [LH] and [L] tone normal nouns and names apply to the [L.LH] tone change; additionally, [L] tone normal nouns and names are able to derive another variant tonal output [L.H]. One exceptional condition is that the [L] tone name is not originally a noun, and is instead derived from a free morpheme of other lexical categories, e.g., 美美 meiLHmeiL, *meiLmeiLH/*meiLmeiH; in this situation, it will apply to third tone sandhi. According to the lexical types and the interaction between lexical tones of stems and tone change, I will categorize cute-talk reduplication into three subcategories: (a) intimate kinship reduplication, (b) intimate nouns reduplication, and (c) nickname reduplication. In previous research, two main approaches have been employed to explain tone change: fixed tone pattern analysis and floating tone analysis. They will be compared here, and it can be immediately noted that some evidence has shown that Huang’s (2016) floating tone analysis is far superior to fixed tone pattern analysis. Huang suggested that /Ⓛ Ⓗ/ is the tonal morpheme of cute-talk and both [L.LH]/[L.H] are allomorphs which have different mapping of /Ⓛ Ⓗ/. Semantically, the cute-talk tonal morpheme serves to add a semantic feature [CUTE]. This research aims to explain these tonal phenomena of cute-talk reduplication from the perspectives of Optimality Theory (OT) and Cophonology. Some stems will not apply to tone change because there are certain faithfulness constraints which dominate the morphological alignment constraints, thus blocking those stems from associating with /Ⓛ Ⓗ/. The two free tonal variants [L.LH]/[L.H] are due to the different cophonologies; furthermore, those three subtypes of cute-talk reduplication also have their own cophonologies. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents Chinese Abstract iiEnglish Abstract iiiList of Figures viiList of Tables viiList of Tableaux viii1. Introduction 12. Literature Review 62.1 Cute-talk Reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin 62.2 Theoretical Literature Review 102.2.1 The Mismatch of Tones and Segments─Yip (1980) 102.2.2 Fixed Tone Pattern Analysis─Duanmu (2007), Hsieh (2017) and Yin (1989, 1991) 112.2.3 Floating Tone Analysis─Huang (2016) 122.2.4 Optimality Theory 142.2.5 Cophonology 163. Data Description 183.1 Intimate Kinship Reduplication 203.2 Intimate Nouns Reduplication 213.3 Nickname Reduplication 254. Optimality Theory Analysis 284.1 Intimate Kinship Reduplication OT Analysis 284.2 Intimate Nouns Reduplication & Nickname Reduplication OT Analysis 334.2.1 Blocking [H] and [HL] stems from tonal morpheme association 344.2.2 Variants of [L] stems 464.2.3 Blocking [LH] stems from [L.H] applying 494.3 The Grammars 525. Residual problems and Alternative Analysis 535.1 Derivational Nickname Reduplication 535.2 Alternative Analysis form Huang (2016) 575.2.1 Blocking [H] and [HL] stems from tonal morpheme association ─IDENT-IB-T-L 585.2.2 Variants of [L] stems─Ranking-Ordering model of EVAL585.2.3 Blocking [LH] stems from [L.H] applying─IDENT-IR-RISE606. Conclusion and Further Research 61Reference 63 zh_TW dc.format.extent 1590156 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0109555007 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 台灣華語 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 變調 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 聲調詞素 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 疊字 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 優選理論 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 並存音韻 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) Taiwan Mandarin en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Tone change en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Tonal morpheme en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Reduplication en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Optimality Theory en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Cophonology en_US dc.title (題名) 台灣華語可愛語疊字之聲調變化 zh_TW dc.title (題名) The tone changes of cute-talk reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en_US dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Anttila, A. (1997). Deriving variation from grammar. Variation, change and phonological theory, ed. by Frans Hinskens, Roeland Van Hout, and W. Leo Wetzels, 35-68. In: Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Anttila, A. (2002). Morphologically conditioned phonological alternations. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 20(1), 1-42.Anttila, A. (2009). Derived environment effects in colloquial Helsinki Finnish. The nature of the word: Essays in honor of Paul Kiparsky, 433-460.Cahill, M. (2000). Tonal associative morphemes in Optimality Theory.Chao, Y. R. (1968). A grammar of spoken Chinese / by Yuen Ren Chao. University of California Press.Chao, Y. R. (2011). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Commercial Press. https://books.google.com.tw/books?id=NXY0mwEACAAJCoetzee, A. W. (2006). Variation as accessing ‘non-optimal’candidates. Phonology, 23(3), 337-385.Downing, L. J. (2005). The emergence of the marked: tone in some African reduplicative systems. Studies on reduplication, 89-110.Duanmu, S. (2007). The phonology of standard Chinese. OUP Oxford.Erbaugh, M. S. (1992). The acquisition of Mandarin. In The crosslinguistic study of language acquisition (pp. 373-455). Psychology Press.Feng, S. (2018). Prosodic morphology of Mandarin Chinese / Shengli Feng. Routledge.Goldsmith, J. (1976). Autosegmental phonology MIT Press London].Goldsmith, J. (1987). Tone and accent, and getting the two together. Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,Hsieh, F. F. (2017). Reduplication. Encyclopedia of Chinese language and linguistics, 3, 548-555.Hsu, H. C. (2006). Revisiting tone and prominence in Chinese. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS-TAIPEI-, 7(1), 109.Huang, T. C. (2016). I-R Tonal Mapping: Evidence from the "Cute-talk" Reduplication in Taiwan Mandarin The 28th North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics,Inkelas, S. (2008). The dual theory of reduplication.Inkelas, S., & Zoll, C. (2005). Reduplication doubling in morphology / Sharon Inkelas, Cheryl Zoll. Cambridge University Press.Inkelas, S., & Zoll, C. (2007). Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology.Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2019). Pitch accent and tonal alignment in Kagoshima Japanese. The Linguistic Review, 36(1), 1-24.Li, C. N., & Thompson, S. A. (1989). Mandarin Chinese: A functional reference grammar (Vol. 3). Univ of California Press.Lin, H. S. (2004). Directionality in Tone Sandhi and the Effect of Identity Preservation, unpublished PhD Dissertation. National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan.Lin, H. S. (2007). Aspects of Mandarin neutral tone. Bookman Publishing.Lin, Y.-H. (2007). The Sounds of Chinese with Audio CD (Vol. 1). Cambridge University Press.MacWhinney, B. (2000). The CHILDES project: The database (Vol. 2). Psychology Press.McCarthy, J. J. (1995). Extensions of faithfulness: Rotuman revisited. Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series, 36.McCarthy, J. J. (2008). Doing optimality theory : applying theory to data / John J. McCarthy. Blackwell Pub.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1993). Prosodic morphology: Constraint interaction and satisfaction.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1994). The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodic morphology.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1995). Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series, 10.McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1999). Faithfulness and identity in prosodic morphology. The prosody-morphology interface, 9.Orgun, C. O. (1996). Sign-based morphology and phonology with special attention to Optimality Theory. University of California, Berkeley.Prince, A., & Smolensky, P. (2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. John Wiley & Sons.Shih, C. L. (1986). THE PROSODIC DOMAIN OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE (PHRASAL PHONOLOGY, TONAL TYPOLOGY, MANDARIN, SYNTAX-PHONOLOGY INTERFACE). University of California, San Diego.Wang, C. Y. (2011). Children`s acquisition of Tone 3 Sandhi in Mandarin ProQuest Dissertations Publishing].Yeh, C. H. (2010). Comparison of Phonetic Naturalness between Rising-Falling and Falling-Rising Tonal Patterns in Taiwan Mandarin. Speech Prosody 2010-Fifth International Conference,Yin, Y. M. (1989). Phonological aspects of word formation in Mandarin Chinese. The University of Texas at Austin.Yin, Y. M. (1991). Some Major Issues in Mandarin Tonal Phonology / Yuen-Mei Yin.Yip, M. (1980). The tonal phonology of Chinese Massachusetts Institute of Technology].Yip, M. (1989). Contour tones. Phonology, 6(1), 149-174.Yip, M. (1998). Identity avoidance in phonology and morphology.Yip, M. (2002). Tone. Cambridge University Press. zh_TW
