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題名 與獨裁者共舞？威權體制的女性政治參與之起源和效果
Dancing with the Dictator? The Origins and Effects of Women’s Political Participation in Authoritarian Regimes作者 林文正
Lin, Wen-Cheng貢獻者 吳文欽<br>林宗弘
Wu, Wen-Chin<br>Lin, Thung-Hong
林文正
Lin, Wen-Cheng關鍵詞 女性
政治賦權
非法進入
權力個人化
部門分配
性別資源詛咒
孕產婦疾病
傳染性疾病
Women
Political Empowerment
Extralegally Entry
Personalism
Sectoral Allocation
Gendered Resource Curse
Maternal Diseases
Communicable Diseases日期 2023 上傳時間 1-Sep-2023 15:34:58 (UTC+8) 摘要 為什麼有些威權體制中的女性能夠參與政治？背後的政治邏輯是什麼？是否有其他的外在因素？女性參與對政治後果會有影響嗎？這一系列問題的核心取決於女性群體與獨裁者之間的關係，本論文將分別從三個視角來進行觀察。首先，從獨裁者穩定統治權的角度出發。不同的權力移轉模式伴隨著相應的政治風險，這使得權力合法性成為接任者的首要課題。同時權力個人化程度也會影響他們統治策略的選擇。本研究在檢證獨裁者的進入模式與權力個人化對女性政治賦權的影響後，發現非法奪權者相較於合法繼承者的權力個人化程度愈高時，有較高的女性政治賦權發展。顯示獨裁者改善女權的目的是為了延續威權體制或建構個人執政的合法性，而在個案討論中也發現非法者更加重視對女性團體的控制。其次，關注資源換取論對女權發展的影響。OECD發展援助委員會的援助計畫被視為推動開發中國家女權發展的重要因素。隨著性別援助計畫的推展以及中國作為非傳統的新進捐助者加入，使得提升女權發展效果開始減弱。一方面是援助部門的分配策略改變，另一方面則是中國作為新捐助者的替代作用。尤其是中國外援計畫結合了國內經濟發展計畫，很可能會不利於受援國經濟結構的調整，進而不利於女性勞動權益與政治參與的發展，我們也發現這種情況同樣出現在民主與威權體制的受援國。最後，則是觀察議會女性代表數與疾病的關係。已有許多研究檢證了議會女性代表的增加有助於改善孕產婦疾病。本研究則是進一步帶入疾病行為學來檢證女性代表數與傳染性疾病的性別差異，結果發現威權國家中女性議會席次愈高，傳染性疾病患病率的性別差距將會減少。總的來說，威權與民主體制的女權發展差異，在於獨裁者並不完全依賴女性在政治合法性的支持，更有可能是利用女性群體塑造個人的正面形象，或是調整社會經濟結構的需求，抑或是酬庸特定的女性團體來作為政爭工具，甚至是用來換取國外的各項援助。但或許不用對於威權體制中的女權發展抱持著過於悲觀的態度，我們仍可以觀察到當威權國家的決策系統中女性代表數愈高對於疾病患病率有顯著的降低作用。本文嘗試從領導人作為分析單位來釐清戰爭與女權發展的關係、觀察捐助者與援助項目對性別平權的影響，以及重新檢視女性參政與疾病的關係等三個研究面向，期望能夠為威權體制中的女性發展之研究提供更多的觀察切入點。
This paper explores the evolution of women’s power in the political realm within authoritarian regimes, with a particular emphasis on the relationship between women and dictators. The analysis is presented through three distinct perspectives.Firstly, we consider the perspective of maintaining a dictator’s stable rule. Various modes of entry to power are accompanied by corresponding political risks, making power legitimacy a paramount concern for new successors. This paper delves into the consequences of varied models of entry on women’s political empowerment. Additionally, the extent of power personalization influences the dictator’s choice of ruling strategy. Upon assessing the impact of a dictator’s mode of entry and the degree of personalism, it becomes evident that those who assume power extralegally and exhibit a higher degree of personalism tend to support greater female political empowerment. Case analyses indicate that usurpers tend to prioritize control over female groups.Secondly, our focus shifts to the influence of the resource-exchange theory on the progression of women’s power. The aid plans of the OECD Development Assistance Committee are recognized as pivotal in promoting women’s power in developing countries. However, with the proliferation of gender-specific aid programs and China’s emergence as a non-traditional donor, the momentum for advancing women’s power appears to be waning. This deceleration can be attributed to changes in aid sectoral allocation and China’s burgeoning role as an alternative donor. When Chinese aid aligns with their domestic economic agenda, it can potentially destabilize the recipient nation’s economic structure, impacting women’s labor rights and political participation. This phenomenon is observable in both democratic and authoritarian recipient countries.Lastly, the research delves into the correlation between the magnitude of female representation in legislative bodies and the disease incidence rate. Notably, a strong link is discerned between increased female representation and reduced gender disparities in communicable diseases, offering fresh insights into the health ramifications of political representation in authoritarian countries.In conclusion, the disparities in women’s power development between democratic and authoritarian regimes can be attributed to dictators’ incomplete dependence on female constituencies for political support. Dictators might manipulate women’s groups to craft a favorable public persona, modulate socio-economic landscapes, reward certain female factions for political gains, or even leverage them in foreign aid negotiations. 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101252504資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0101252504 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 吳文欽<br>林宗弘 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Wu, Wen-Chin<br>Lin, Thung-Hong en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 林文正 zh_TW dc.contributor.author (Authors) Lin, Wen-Cheng en_US dc.creator (作者) 林文正 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) Lin, Wen-Cheng en_US dc.date (日期) 2023 en_US dc.date.accessioned 1-Sep-2023 15:34:58 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 1-Sep-2023 15:34:58 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 1-Sep-2023 15:34:58 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0101252504 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/147075 - dc.description (描述) 博士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 政治學系 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 101252504 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 為什麼有些威權體制中的女性能夠參與政治？背後的政治邏輯是什麼？是否有其他的外在因素？女性參與對政治後果會有影響嗎？這一系列問題的核心取決於女性群體與獨裁者之間的關係，本論文將分別從三個視角來進行觀察。首先，從獨裁者穩定統治權的角度出發。不同的權力移轉模式伴隨著相應的政治風險，這使得權力合法性成為接任者的首要課題。同時權力個人化程度也會影響他們統治策略的選擇。本研究在檢證獨裁者的進入模式與權力個人化對女性政治賦權的影響後，發現非法奪權者相較於合法繼承者的權力個人化程度愈高時，有較高的女性政治賦權發展。顯示獨裁者改善女權的目的是為了延續威權體制或建構個人執政的合法性，而在個案討論中也發現非法者更加重視對女性團體的控制。其次，關注資源換取論對女權發展的影響。OECD發展援助委員會的援助計畫被視為推動開發中國家女權發展的重要因素。隨著性別援助計畫的推展以及中國作為非傳統的新進捐助者加入，使得提升女權發展效果開始減弱。一方面是援助部門的分配策略改變，另一方面則是中國作為新捐助者的替代作用。尤其是中國外援計畫結合了國內經濟發展計畫，很可能會不利於受援國經濟結構的調整，進而不利於女性勞動權益與政治參與的發展，我們也發現這種情況同樣出現在民主與威權體制的受援國。最後，則是觀察議會女性代表數與疾病的關係。已有許多研究檢證了議會女性代表的增加有助於改善孕產婦疾病。本研究則是進一步帶入疾病行為學來檢證女性代表數與傳染性疾病的性別差異，結果發現威權國家中女性議會席次愈高，傳染性疾病患病率的性別差距將會減少。總的來說，威權與民主體制的女權發展差異，在於獨裁者並不完全依賴女性在政治合法性的支持，更有可能是利用女性群體塑造個人的正面形象，或是調整社會經濟結構的需求，抑或是酬庸特定的女性團體來作為政爭工具，甚至是用來換取國外的各項援助。但或許不用對於威權體制中的女權發展抱持著過於悲觀的態度，我們仍可以觀察到當威權國家的決策系統中女性代表數愈高對於疾病患病率有顯著的降低作用。本文嘗試從領導人作為分析單位來釐清戰爭與女權發展的關係、觀察捐助者與援助項目對性別平權的影響，以及重新檢視女性參政與疾病的關係等三個研究面向，期望能夠為威權體制中的女性發展之研究提供更多的觀察切入點。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) This paper explores the evolution of women’s power in the political realm within authoritarian regimes, with a particular emphasis on the relationship between women and dictators. The analysis is presented through three distinct perspectives.Firstly, we consider the perspective of maintaining a dictator’s stable rule. Various modes of entry to power are accompanied by corresponding political risks, making power legitimacy a paramount concern for new successors. This paper delves into the consequences of varied models of entry on women’s political empowerment. Additionally, the extent of power personalization influences the dictator’s choice of ruling strategy. Upon assessing the impact of a dictator’s mode of entry and the degree of personalism, it becomes evident that those who assume power extralegally and exhibit a higher degree of personalism tend to support greater female political empowerment. Case analyses indicate that usurpers tend to prioritize control over female groups.Secondly, our focus shifts to the influence of the resource-exchange theory on the progression of women’s power. The aid plans of the OECD Development Assistance Committee are recognized as pivotal in promoting women’s power in developing countries. However, with the proliferation of gender-specific aid programs and China’s emergence as a non-traditional donor, the momentum for advancing women’s power appears to be waning. This deceleration can be attributed to changes in aid sectoral allocation and China’s burgeoning role as an alternative donor. When Chinese aid aligns with their domestic economic agenda, it can potentially destabilize the recipient nation’s economic structure, impacting women’s labor rights and political participation. This phenomenon is observable in both democratic and authoritarian recipient countries.Lastly, the research delves into the correlation between the magnitude of female representation in legislative bodies and the disease incidence rate. Notably, a strong link is discerned between increased female representation and reduced gender disparities in communicable diseases, offering fresh insights into the health ramifications of political representation in authoritarian countries.In conclusion, the disparities in women’s power development between democratic and authoritarian regimes can be attributed to dictators’ incomplete dependence on female constituencies for political support. Dictators might manipulate women’s groups to craft a favorable public persona, modulate socio-economic landscapes, reward certain female factions for political gains, or even leverage them in foreign aid negotiations. However, it’s crucial not to adopt an excessively grim view of female empowerment trajectories in authoritarian countries. It remains evident that as female representation in decision-making bodies increases, there’s a pronounced decline in disease incidence. This research offers a layered and comprehensive understanding of the complex relationship between women, authoritarian governance structures, political empowerment, and public health trends. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 摘要 I表目次 VII圖目次 VIII第一章 緒論 1第一節 研究背景及目的 1第二節 文獻回顧與研究問題 8第三節 章節規劃 12第二章 為什麼獨裁者要嘗試改善女權？ 21第一節 前言 21第二節 文獻回顧：獨裁者如何作為改善女權的推手 25第三節 變數與模型設定 35第四節 進入模式與權力個人化如何影響獨裁者改善女權 40第五節 穩健性測試 53第六節 小結 57第三章 影響性別平權發展的外部因素-國際援助 61第一節 前言 61第二節 國外援助對受援國的影響 63第三節 研究設計與變數來源 72第四節 模型分析與討論 77第五節 小結 83第四章 女性進入議會之後—對疾病的效果 89第一節 前言 89第二節 女性議會席次與疾病的關係 93第三節 變數與模型設定 100第四節 模型分析與討論 108第五節 小結 120第五章 結論 132第一節 研究發現與討論 132第二節 研究貢獻 135第三節 研究限制與未來展望 137參考文獻 141 zh_TW dc.format.extent 4797765 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0101252504 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 女性 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 政治賦權 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 非法進入 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 權力個人化 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 部門分配 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 性別資源詛咒 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 孕產婦疾病 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 傳染性疾病 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) Women en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Political Empowerment en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Extralegally Entry en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Personalism en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Sectoral Allocation en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Gendered Resource Curse en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Maternal Diseases en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Communicable Diseases en_US dc.title (題名) 與獨裁者共舞？威權體制的女性政治參與之起源和效果 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Dancing with the Dictator? 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