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題名 自由的束縛—伊朗革命前後的政治論述與被建構的穆斯林女性主體
Bonds of freedom: pre- and post- revolutionary political discourses and the constructed subject of Muslim women in iran
作者 鄭慧儀
Cheng, Huei Yi
貢獻者 蔡源林
Tsai, Yuan Lin
鄭慧儀
Cheng, Huei Yi
關鍵詞 後殖民
什葉伊斯蘭
伊朗革命
穆斯林婦女服飾
伊斯蘭政府
Postcolonialism
Shia Islam
Iranian Revolution
Muslim Women’s Attire (hijab)
Islamic Government
日期 2009
上傳時間 8-Dec-2010 01:59:44 (UTC+8)
摘要 伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。
     巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。
     左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。
     經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。
     本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。
The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition.
      Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization.
     Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam.
     Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious.
     In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.
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描述 碩士
國立政治大學
宗教研究所
94156008
98
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0094156008
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 蔡源林zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Tsai, Yuan Linen_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 鄭慧儀zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Cheng, Huei Yien_US
dc.creator (作者) 鄭慧儀zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Cheng, Huei Yien_US
dc.date (日期) 2009en_US
dc.date.accessioned 8-Dec-2010 01:59:44 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 8-Dec-2010 01:59:44 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 8-Dec-2010 01:59:44 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0094156008en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/49147-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 宗教研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 94156008zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 98zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。
     巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。
     左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。
     經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。
     本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。		zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition.
      Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization.
     Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam.
     Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious.
     In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.		en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents 特殊字詞中文及原文對照表……………………………………………i
     伊朗/什葉派歷史表格…………………………………………………iii
     巴勒維朝重要記事………………………………………………………vi
     第一章、 緒論………………………………………………………1
     一、 研究動機與目的………………………………………………1
     二、 文獻回顧與檢討………………………………………………4
     （一） 伊朗革命前後的婦女活動…………………………………5
     （二） 伊朗革命期間具影響力的思想……………………………6
     （三） 政治、宗教與婦女的關係…………………………………7
     三、 應用理論與問題意識…………………………………………10
     （一） 歷史書寫中的「再現」與賤民……………………………11
     （二） 重寫殖民歷史的「賤民研究小組」………………………13
     （三） 女性賤民的主體位置………………………………………15
     四、 研究方法與進行步驟…………………………………………18
     （一） 研究方法：文獻分析………………………………………18
     （二） 論文架構……………………………………………………19
     五、 預期成果與對學術貢獻………………………………………21
     
     第二章、 由現代化政策與新觀念所建構的王權…………………23
     一、 巴勒維的「另類烏托邦」理念………………………………24
     二、 王權的體現與落實……………………………………………28
     （一） 國家情報與安全組織………………………………………29
     （二） 一黨專制的國會……………………………………………30
     （三） 國營慈善非營利組織………………………………………32
     （四） 宗教事務部與宗教部隊……………………………………33
     （五） 波斯民族主義的強調………………………………………34
     三、 擺脫落後與維護傳統的二元對立……………………………37
     （一） 由「革命」認知君主立憲…………………………………37
     （二） Riza Shah–為擺脫落後所做的犧牲（1930年代）………39
     （三） 為維護傳統而出現的反制（1930-40年代）………………42
     （四） 巴勒維–為迎向進步而解開的束縛（1960-70年代）……46
     四、 「反西方」或「伊斯蘭式」的革命？………………………53
     
     第三章、 穆斯林婦女參與革命的新舊歷史………………………56
     一、 伊朗婦女之「身」與「聲」…………………………………56
     （一）「革命之外」的女聲……………………………………………57
     （二）體制內的保守女性觀點…………………………………………60
     二、 對抗機制與矛盾………………………………………………63
     （一） 對於非伊斯蘭元素的察覺…………………………………63
     （二） 「中西毒」：一種由外部而來的災禍……………………67
     三、 女性是文明的一部份…………………………………………71
     （一） 錯誤的西方婦女模式不值仿效……………………………71
     （二） 尋找最純粹的伊斯蘭價值…………………………………75
     （三） 法蒂瑪是現代女性的典範…………………………………77
     四、 公私領域劃分與道德社會的建立……………………………83
     （一） 傳統派對於性別議題的態度………………………………84
     （二） 穆斯林婦女穿戴hijab的哲學性思辯……………………86
     （三） 伊斯蘭的身、心概念與公、私的劃分……………………90
     
     第四章、 伊斯蘭政府最高權威與女性……………………………96
     一、破除「偉大文明」背後的真相……………………………………96
     （一）「伊瑪目」何梅尼………………………………………………97
     （二）攻擊巴勒維父子的言論………………………………………100
     二、「伊斯蘭政府」與政治權威……………………………………103
     （一）人民與宗教學者的參政權限…………………………………103
     （二）什葉派的政治理論與權威……………………………………105
     （三）「伊斯蘭政府」的藍圖………………………………………108
     （四）教法學者為統治者……………………………………………111
     三、伊斯蘭理想國度的統治者………………………………………112
     （一）穆聖、阿里為統治典範………………………………………113
     （二）取得「無罪誤者」能力與權威的途徑………………………115
     四、女性典範和宗教儀式的連結……………………………………124
     （一）傳統伊朗婦女的社會聯繫……………………………………124
     （二）Karbala事件的歷史意義………………………………………126
     （三）「勇敢的女性是國家穩固的關鍵」…………………………128
     
     第五章、結論…………………………………………………………134
     一、殖民者的統治觀點………………………………………………134
     二、賤民史家的女性論述……………………………………………136
     三、歷史書寫中的穆斯林女性………………………………………137
     四、伊朗革命歷史的「東方化」……………………………………139
     五、賤民女性無法自言？……………………………………………140
     
     徵引書目………………………………………………………………143		zh_TW
dc.language.iso en_US-
dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0094156008en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 後殖民zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 什葉伊斯蘭zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 伊朗革命zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 穆斯林婦女服飾zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 伊斯蘭政府zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Postcolonialismen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Shia Islamen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Iranian Revolutionen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Muslim Women’s Attire (hijab)en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Islamic Governmenten_US
dc.title (題名) 自由的束縛—伊朗革命前後的政治論述與被建構的穆斯林女性主體zh_TW
dc.title (題名) Bonds of freedom: pre- and post- revolutionary political discourses and the constructed subject of Muslim women in iranen_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen
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