| dc.contributor.advisor | 蕭宇超 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.advisor | Hsiao, Yu-Chau | en_US |
| dc.contributor.author (Authors) | 葉德偉 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author (Authors) | Yeh, Tei-Wei | en_US |
| dc.creator (作者) | 葉德偉 | zh_TW |
| dc.creator (作者) | Yeh, Tei-Wei | en_US |
| dc.date (日期) | 2020 | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 1-Jul-2020 13:29:48 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.available | 1-Jul-2020 13:29:48 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 1-Jul-2020 13:29:48 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) | G0106555005 | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/130483 | - |
| dc.description (描述) | 碩士 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 國立政治大學 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 語言學研究所 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 106555005 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 華語的音節結構非常簡單，最多僅能容納CGVX四個音段（Duanmu，2007）。然而其內部卻有著非常複雜的音組限制。先前的研究（Duanmu，2007；Lin，2007/2015；Hsieh，2012）曾透過優選理論分析中元音的同化及低元音的提高現象，然這些研究並未針對臺灣口音中不同的特色做出考量；再者，除了這些音韻規則以外，華語的韻母仍存在許多其他的限制。本論文以臺灣的口音為基礎，透過優選理論（Prince and Smolensky，1993）分析華語的韻母音組限制，包含無鼻音韻尾及有鼻音韻尾兩個部分。無鼻音韻尾的韻母主要的現象包括中/低元音在雙元音結構下的同化、介音與滑音韻尾的異化及介音後不得緊接高元音；含鼻音韻尾的韻母結構中，主要的現象包含高/低元音與鼻音韻尾的同化、央元音的插入及高元音的提高。除了這些現象外，臺灣口音包含了少數不規則的韻母，如[iŋ]及[oŋ]，本論文認為此方言擁有較高排序的制約排除[əŋ]的組合（*əŋ）及連續的後高音段（OCP-[+hi, +bk]）。經過本論文的分析，臺灣華語的韻母中，大部分的空缺皆具系統性，僅*[ɥa]及*[ɥɑŋ]無其他對稱的空缺，故本論文將此二韻母視為偶然空缺。而除了韻母內部外，聲母及韻母的組合仍存在著其他音組限制，則有賴後續更深入的研究。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | The syllable structure of Mandarin is quite simple which is described as CGVX (Duanmu, 2007), indicating that it can only contain four segments at most. However, there are complex restrictions within such simple structure. Previous research (Duanmu, 2007; Lin, 2007/2015; Hsieh, 2012) has proposed some analyses regarding to mid vowel assimilation and low vowel raising in terms of Optimality Theory. However, these studies do not focus on Taiwan dialect, which actually has some different rhymes from other dialects. Furthermore, there are still other phonotactic restrictions in addition to mid vowel assimilation and low vowel raising.This thesis proposes an Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993) approach to analyze the phonotactic restrictions of Taiwanese Mandarin rhymes. The analysis is divided into two parts: One discusses the rhymes without a nasal coda and the other the rhymes containing a nasal coda. The phenomena in the rhymes without a nasal coda mainly include the mid/low vowel assimilation, the dissimilation of prenuclear and postnuclear glides and the prohibition of two adjacent high vocoids. As for the rhymes with a nasal coda, the analyses mainly include high/low vowels assimilating to the nasal coda, the central vowel insertion and low vowel raising. In addition to these phenomena, there are some irregular rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin such as [iŋ] and [oŋ]. These rhymes are surfaced out because of the high-ranked constraints such as *əŋ and OCP-[+hi, +bk].Through the analysis, most absent rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin is systematic except for *[ɥa] and *[ɥɑŋ]. Therefore, they are considered accidental gaps in this thesis. In addition to the phonotactic restrictions within the rhyme domain, there are much more constraints regarding to the combination of the onset and the rhyme, which relies on further studies. | en_US |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vVITA viTABLE OF CONTENTS viiABSTRACT ixChapter 1 Introduction 11.1 Preliminaries 11.2 Field of Research 21.2.1 The Domain of Rhyme 21.2.2 Dialect 31.3 Thesis Layout 5Chapter 2 Theoretical Background and Literature Review 72.1 Optimality Theory 72.1.1 Constraint Ranking 82.1.2 Categories and Definitions of the Constraints 102.1.3 Local Conjunction and Self Conjunction 112.2 Previous OT Analyses of Mandarin 122.2.1 The Issue of Mid Vowel Assimilation 122.2.2 The Issue of Low Vowel Raising 17Chapter 3 Patterns of Rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin 193.1 Principles and Charts 193.2 Controversial Rhyme Structures 213.2.1 [e] and [o] 213.2.2 The Low Front Vowel [a] 223.2.3 [jaj] 223.3 A General Description 23Chapter 4 An OT Analysis 284.1 Rhymes without a Nasal Coda 284.1.1 Mid/Low Vowel Assimilation 284.1.2 The Phonotactic Restriction of Triphthongs 344.1.3 The Sequence of High Vocoids 404.1.4 Summary 464.2 Rhymes with a Nasal Coda 474.2.1 High Vowel Preceding a Nasal Coda 474.2.1.1 The Regular Patterns [in], [wən] and [yn] 484.2.1.2 The Irregular Outputs of /iŋ/, /uŋ/ and /yŋ/ 544.2.2 [ən] and [əŋ] without a Prenuclear Glide 624.2.3 Low Vowel Preceding a Nasal Coda 644.2.3.1 Low Vowel Backing 644.2.3.2 Low Vowel Raising 684.2.4 Summary 74Chapter 5 Conclusion 77REFERENCES 80 | zh_TW |
| dc.format.extent | 1069256 bytes | - |
| dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | - |
| dc.source.uri (資料來源) | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0106555005 | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 優選理論 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 臺灣華語 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 韻母 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 音組限制 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Optimality Theory | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Taiwanese Mandarin | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Rhyme | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Phonotactic restriction | en_US |
| dc.title (題名) | 從優選理論分析臺灣華語的韻母音組限制 | zh_TW |
| dc.title (題名) | An Optimality Theory Approach to Phonotactic Restrictions of Taiwanese Mandarin Rhymes | en_US |
| dc.type (資料類型) | thesis | en_US |
| dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) | Chung, Raung-Fu (1995). The Segmental Phonology of Southern Min in Taiwan. Taipei: Crane Pub. Co.Duanmu, San. (1990). A Formal Study of Syllable, Tone, Stress, and Domain in Chinese Languages. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.Duanmu, San. (2007). The Phonology of Standard Chinese (Second Edition). New York: Oxford University Press.Flemming, Edward. (2003). The Relationship between Coronal Place and Vowel Backness. Phonology 20(3), 335-373.Fon, Janice, Jui-mei Hung, Yi-Hsuan Huang and Hui-ju Hsu. (2001). Dialectal Variations on Syllable-Final Nasal Mergers in Taiwan Mandarin. Language and Linguistics, 12(2), 273–311.Hsiao, Yuchau E. (2000). Optimal Tone Sandhi in Taiwanese. Chinese Studies 18:25-40. [In Chinese]Hsieh, Feng-fan. (2012). Low Vowel Raising in Sinitic Languages: Assimilation, Reduction, or Both? Language and Linguistics 13(4), 583–623.Hsu, Dong-Bo. (2009). The Syllable in Old Chinese: Sub-Syllabic Processes, Syllable Structure, and the Status of Medial Glides. J East Asian Linguist 18:361-395Ito, Junko and Armin Mester. (1998). Markedness and Word Structure: OCP Effects in Japanese. ROA-255-0498.Kager, Rene. (2004). Optimality Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press.Leben, Will. (1973). Suprasegmental Phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.Lee, Chun-Chih. (2001). Medials and the Evolution of the Initial System in Chinese. Chinese Phonology 11:69-108Lin, Yen-Hwei. (2007). The Sounds of Chinese. New York: Cambridge University Press.Lin, Yen-Hwei. (2015). OT Factorial Typology and the Typology of Mandarin Mid Vowel Assimilation. Language and Linguistics 16(6), 769–789.McCarthy, John J and Alan Prince. (1995). Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18, 249-384.McCarthy, John J and Alan Prince. (1999). Faithfulness and Identity in Prosodic Morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.McCarthy, John J. (2008). Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory to Data. Malden, MA and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.Prince, Alan., and Paul Smolensky. (1993). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Yip, Virginia and Stephen Matthews. (2006). Cantonese: A Comprehensive Grammar (Routledge Comprehensive Grammars). London: Routledge. | zh_TW |
| dc.identifier.doi (DOI) | 10.6814/NCCU202000482 | en_US |
