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題名 以非派生和派生之優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調
The pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan southern min: a parallel and serial OT analysis
作者 陳元翔
Chen, Yuan-hsiang
貢獻者 蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yuchau E.
陳元翔
Chen, Yuan-hsiang
關鍵詞 非派生優選理論
派生優選理論
臺灣閩南語
仔前變調
暱稱仔詞綴變調
Parallel OT
Serial OT
Taiwan Southern Min
Pre-a1 tone change
Hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change
日期 2008
上傳時間 19-Sep-2009 13:04:01 (UTC+8)
摘要 本篇論文嘗試以非派生和派生兩種不同結構基礎的優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調。非派生的優選理論認為聲調改變僅需一個步驟就可以完成。仔前和暱稱仔詞綴音節本身都有兩種讀法，不同的變異體可透過共同音韻模型 (Cophonological model) 下的次文法，也就是制約的重新排序來解釋。本篇研究認為調素傳替與否是仔前音節不同聲調的來源，透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 兩種制約的排序，可以預測調素是否傳替。另外，透過 SHARE，NOLONG 和 TONAL MARKEDNESS 三種制約的互動和階層性的排序，可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的變調兩讀。派生優選理論則認為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴的聲調變化是一種階段性，而且是一種趨向最佳化的改變，亦即每一個步驟的輸出值都比上一個步驟的還來的優質，為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴變調提供另一個理論詮釋的觀點。在派生優選理論的框架下，仔前變調需要三個步驟，亦即一般變調、調域傳替以及調素傳替的有無。暱稱仔詞綴變調也是需要三個步驟，第一是沒有聲調徵性的聲調加插；第二是調域傳替或是低調域加插；第三是調素傳替或是低聲調徵性的加插。同樣的， 透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 的排序，可以預測仔前音節的不同聲調。透過 SHARE，NOLONG，TONAL MARKEDNESS 和 REGISTER MARKEDNESS 的排序， 可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的不同聲調。
This thesis attempts to analyze the pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan Southern Min from the perspective of Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Classic OT. Classic OT, which implements parallelism, explicates the tone change phenomenon in one-step fashion. The two tonal variants of the pre-a1 and -a2 syllables can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in Cophonology Theory. The interaction between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) determines whether the terminal toneme will perform spreading in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the interaction amongst SHARE, NOLONG and TONAL MARKEDNESS determines whether -a2 will receive a tone spread from the neighboring TBU or associate with a default L. Harmonic Serialism, which assumes harmonic improvement over the course of serial derivation, provides an alternative treatment for the pre-a1 tone change and -a2 suffix tone change. In Harmonic Serialism, the pre-a1 tonal alternation proceeds with three steps, viz. regular tone sandhi, register spreading and terminal toneme spreading. -a2 suffix tone change also requires three steps in terms of Harmonic Serialism, that is, featureless tone insertion in the first step; register spreading or low register insertion in the second step; and toneme spreading or low tonal feature insertion in the final step. Likewise, the ranking conditions between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) predict whether toneme will spread in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the alternative rankings among SHARE, NOLONG, TONAL MARKEDNESS and REGISTER MARKEDNESS decide the application of tone spreading or default L insertion.
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Anttila, Arto. 1997. Deriving variation from grammar. Variation, Change and Phonological Theory, eds. by Frans Hinskens, et al, 35-68. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
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Baker, Adam. 2003. A formal definition of locality. ROA-614. 1-2.
Bao, Zhiming. 1990. On the Nature of Tone. Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT.
Bao, Zhiming. 1999. The Structure of Tone. New York: Oxford University Press.
Bodmen, Nicholas C. 1955. Spoken Amoy Hokkien. Kuala Lumpur: Government, Federation of Malaya.
Chao, Yuan-ren. 1968. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Berkeley Press.
Chen, Matthew Y. 1987. The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi. Phonology Yearbook 4: 109-149.
Chen, Matthew Y. 2000. Tone Sandhi: Patterns Across Chinese Dialects. Oxford University Press.
Cheng, Robert L. 1973. Some notes on tone sandhi in Taiwanese. Linguistics 100: 5-25.
Chomsky, Noam and Morris Halle. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row.
Clements, George N. 1981. The hierarchical representation of tone features. Current Approaches to African Linguistics, ed. By I. R. Dihoff, 145-176. Dordrecht: Foris.
De Lacy, Paul 1999. Tone and prominence. ROA-333.
Duanmu, San. 1990. A Formal Study of Syllables, Tone, Stress and Domain in Chinese Languages. Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT.
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Hong, Wei-jen. 1985. Taiwan He-lao-yu Sheng-diao Yan-jiu [Research on Taiwanese Tones]. Taipei: zi li.
Hong, Wei-jen. 1995. Min-nan-yu qing-sheng ji qi yu-fa, yu-yong fen-xi [Analysis of Southern Min neutral tone and its syntax and pragmatics]. Di-er-jiu Taiwan Yu-yan Guo-ji Yan-tao-hui [Selected Papers from the Second International Symposium on Languages in Taiwan], ed. by Shuanfan Huang, 465-483. Taipei: Crane.
Hsiao, Yuchau E. 1991. Syntax, Rhythm and Tone: A Triangular Relationship. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co.
Hsiao, Yuchau E. 1993. Taiwanese tone group revisited: a theory of residue. Paper for the Second International Conference on Chinese Linguistics. Paris, France.
Hsiao, Yuchau E. 1995. Southern Min Tone Sandhi and Theories of Prosodic Phonology. Taipei: Student Book Co.
Hsiao, Yuchau E. 2000. Taiwan Min-nan-yu zhi you-xuan bian-diao [Optimal Tone Sandhi in Taiwan Southern Min]. Han-xue Yan-jiu [Sinology Research] 18: 25-40.
Hsiao, Yuchau E. 2004. Tone contraction two Chinese dialects. National Chengchi University. Manuscript.
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Hsiao, Yuchau E. 2009. Serial tone changes in adjective triplication: evidence from Taiwanese and Hakka. Paper for the Second Theoretical Phonology Conference.
Hyman, Larry. 1993. Register tones and tonal geometry. The Phonology of Tone: The Representation of Tonal Register, eds. By H. van der Hulst and K. Snider, 75-108. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Inkelas, Sharon. 1998. The theoretical status of morphologically conditioned phonology: a case study from dominance. Yearbook of Morphology, eds. by Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle, 121-155. Amsterdam: Springer.
Inkelas, Sharon and Cheryl Zoll. 2005. Reduplication: Doubling in Morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Lin, Hui-shan. 2000. An Optimality Theoretic Approach to Tone Sandhi in Mandarin, in Taiwanese, and in Mandarin-Taiwanese Code-mixing. MA Thesis, National Chengchi University.
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Lin, Yen-hwei. 1989. Autosegmental Treatment of Segmental Process in Chinese Phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin.
McCarthy John J. 2000. Harmonic serialism and parallelism. ed. by Masako Hirotani. Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society 30. Amherst, MA: GLSA.
McCarthy John J. 2003. OT constraints are categorical. Phonology 20: 75-138.
McCarthy, John. J. 2004. Headed spans and autosegmental spreading. ROA-685. 1-35.
McCarthy, John. J. 2008a. The gradual path to cluster simplification. Phonology 25: 271-319.
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描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
95555006
97
資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0095555006
資料類型 thesis
dc.contributor.advisor 蕭宇超zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisor Hsiao, Yuchau E.en_US
dc.contributor.author (Authors) 陳元翔zh_TW
dc.contributor.author (Authors) Chen, Yuan-hsiangen_US
dc.creator (作者) 陳元翔zh_TW
dc.creator (作者) Chen, Yuan-hsiangen_US
dc.date (日期) 2008en_US
dc.date.accessioned 19-Sep-2009 13:04:01 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.available 19-Sep-2009 13:04:01 (UTC+8)-
dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 19-Sep-2009 13:04:01 (UTC+8)-
dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G0095555006en_US
dc.identifier.uri (URI) https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/37291-
dc.description (描述) 碩士zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 95555006zh_TW
dc.description (描述) 97zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本篇論文嘗試以非派生和派生兩種不同結構基礎的優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調。非派生的優選理論認為聲調改變僅需一個步驟就可以完成。仔前和暱稱仔詞綴音節本身都有兩種讀法，不同的變異體可透過共同音韻模型 (Cophonological model) 下的次文法，也就是制約的重新排序來解釋。本篇研究認為調素傳替與否是仔前音節不同聲調的來源，透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 兩種制約的排序，可以預測調素是否傳替。另外，透過 SHARE，NOLONG 和 TONAL MARKEDNESS 三種制約的互動和階層性的排序，可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的變調兩讀。派生優選理論則認為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴的聲調變化是一種階段性，而且是一種趨向最佳化的改變，亦即每一個步驟的輸出值都比上一個步驟的還來的優質，為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴變調提供另一個理論詮釋的觀點。在派生優選理論的框架下，仔前變調需要三個步驟，亦即一般變調、調域傳替以及調素傳替的有無。暱稱仔詞綴變調也是需要三個步驟，第一是沒有聲調徵性的聲調加插；第二是調域傳替或是低調域加插；第三是調素傳替或是低聲調徵性的加插。同樣的， 透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 的排序，可以預測仔前音節的不同聲調。透過 SHARE，NOLONG，TONAL MARKEDNESS 和 REGISTER MARKEDNESS 的排序， 可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的不同聲調。zh_TW
dc.description.abstract (摘要) This thesis attempts to analyze the pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan Southern Min from the perspective of Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Classic OT. Classic OT, which implements parallelism, explicates the tone change phenomenon in one-step fashion. The two tonal variants of the pre-a1 and -a2 syllables can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in Cophonology Theory. The interaction between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) determines whether the terminal toneme will perform spreading in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the interaction amongst SHARE, NOLONG and TONAL MARKEDNESS determines whether -a2 will receive a tone spread from the neighboring TBU or associate with a default L. Harmonic Serialism, which assumes harmonic improvement over the course of serial derivation, provides an alternative treatment for the pre-a1 tone change and -a2 suffix tone change. In Harmonic Serialism, the pre-a1 tonal alternation proceeds with three steps, viz. regular tone sandhi, register spreading and terminal toneme spreading. -a2 suffix tone change also requires three steps in terms of Harmonic Serialism, that is, featureless tone insertion in the first step; register spreading or low register insertion in the second step; and toneme spreading or low tonal feature insertion in the final step. Likewise, the ranking conditions between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) predict whether toneme will spread in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the alternative rankings among SHARE, NOLONG, TONAL MARKEDNESS and REGISTER MARKEDNESS decide the application of tone spreading or default L insertion.en_US
dc.description.tableofcontents TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
VITA vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ix
CHINESE ABSTRACT xii
ENGLISH ABSTRACT xiv

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Preliminaries 1
1.2 Research Questions 2
1.3 Organization 3
CHAPTER 2 THEORETIC BACKGROUND 5
2.1 Autosegmental Phonology 5
2.2 Internal Structure of Tone 6
2.2.1 Tonal Geometry 6
2.2.2 Tonal Representation 7
2.3 Classic Optimality Theory 10
2.3.1 Basics of Classic OT 10
2.3.2 Tonal Markedness 13
2.3.3 Spreading in Classic OT 14
2.3.3.1 Local AGREE 14
2.3.3.2 Long-distance ALIGN 15
2.3.3.3 Span Theory 15
2.3.4 Spreading in Serial Harmony 16
2.3.5 Locality 17
2.3.6 Classic OT Application to Southern Min Tone Sandhi 19
2.3.6.1 Lin (2000) 19
2.3.6.2 Hsiao (2000) 20
2.3.6.3 Ou (2000) 21
2.3.6.4 Hsiao (2004) 21
2.4 Correspondence Theory 22
2.5 Cophonology Theory 23
2.6 Basics of Harmonic Serialism 24
CHAPTER 3 PRE-a1 TONE CHANGE 27
3.1 Regular Tone Sandhi 27
3.2 Pre-a1 Tone Change 29
3.2.1 Cheng (1973) 31
3.2.2 Yip (1980) 32
3.2.3 Ou (1996) 33
3.3 A Classic OT Treatment 34
3.4 An HS Account 41
3.5 Summary 58
CHAPTER 4 HYPOCORSITIC -a2 SUFFIX TONE CHANGE 59
4.1 -a2 Suffix Tonal Realizations 60
4.1.1 Tone Spreading 61
4.1.2 Default L Insertion 62
4.2 A Classic OT Treatment 63
4.3 An HS Analysis 70
4.4 Summary 92
CHPATER 5 CONCLUDING REMARKS 93
BIBLIOGRAPHY 97		zh_TW
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dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0095555006en_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 非派生優選理論zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 派生優選理論zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 臺灣閩南語zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 仔前變調zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) 暱稱仔詞綴變調zh_TW
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Parallel OTen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Serial OTen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Taiwan Southern Minen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Pre-a1 tone changeen_US
dc.subject (關鍵詞) Hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone changeen_US
dc.title (題名) 以非派生和派生之優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調zh_TW
dc.title (題名) The pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan southern min: a parallel and serial OT analysisen_US
dc.type (資料類型) thesisen
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) BIBLIOGRAPHYzh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Anttila, Arto. 1997. Deriving variation from grammar. Variation, Change and Phonological Theory, eds. by Frans Hinskens, et al, 35-68. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Anttila, Arto. 2000. Morphological conditioned phonological alternations. ROA-425.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Baker, Adam. 2003. A formal definition of locality. ROA-614. 1-2.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Bao, Zhiming. 1990. On the Nature of Tone. Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Bao, Zhiming. 1999. The Structure of Tone. New York: Oxford University Press.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Bodmen, Nicholas C. 1955. Spoken Amoy Hokkien. Kuala Lumpur: Government, Federation of Malaya.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Chao, Yuan-ren. 1968. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Berkeley Press.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Chen, Matthew Y. 1987. The syntax of Xiamen tone sandhi. Phonology Yearbook 4: 109-149.zh_TW
dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Chen, Matthew Y. 2000. Tone Sandhi: Patterns Across Chinese Dialects. Oxford University Press.zh_TW
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