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| Title | 以優選理論分析上海話之入聲變調 An OT approach to the Tone Sandhi of checked syllables in Shanghai |
| Creator | 黃子權 Huang, Tzu Chuan |
| Contributor | 蕭宇超 Hsiao, Yu Chau E. 黃子權 Huang, Tzu Chuan |
| Key Words | 優選理論 連讀變調 上海話 入聲 聲調與重音之互動 韻律顯著位置 Optimality Theory Tone Sandhi Shanghai Checked Tones Tone-stress Interaction Prominent Positions |
| Date | 2010 |
| Date Issued | 5-Oct-2011 14:25:49 (UTC+8) |
| Summary | 本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002). |
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| Description | 碩士 國立政治大學 語言學研究所 97555007 99 |
| 資料來源 | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0097555007 |
| Type | thesis |
| dc.contributor.advisor | 蕭宇超 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.advisor | Hsiao, Yu Chau E. | en_US |
| dc.contributor.author (Authors) | 黃子權 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author (Authors) | Huang, Tzu Chuan | en_US |
| dc.creator (作者) | 黃子權 | zh_TW |
| dc.creator (作者) | Huang, Tzu Chuan | en_US |
| dc.date (日期) | 2010 | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 5-Oct-2011 14:25:49 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.available | 5-Oct-2011 14:25:49 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.date.issued (上傳時間) | 5-Oct-2011 14:25:49 (UTC+8) | - |
| dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) | G0097555007 | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri (URI) | http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/51160 | - |
| dc.description (描述) | 碩士 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 國立政治大學 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 語言學研究所 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 97555007 | zh_TW |
| dc.description (描述) | 99 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | 本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract (摘要) | This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002). | en_US |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v VITA vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ix CHINESE ABSTRACT xiii ENGLISH ABSTRACT xv CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Preliminaries 1 1.2 Research Questions 2 1.3 The Proposal 3 1.4 Thesis Organizations 4 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL AND TONAL BACKGROUND 5 2.1 Optimality Theory 5 2.1.1 Basics 5 2.1.2 Alignment, Anchoring and Coincidence 7 2.1.3 Local (Self-)conjunction 9 2.1.4 Variation in OT 11 2.2 Metrical Phonology 13 2.2.1 Bracketed Grid 13 2.2.2 Foot-parsing 15 2.2.3 Quantity-sensitive Stress 16 2.2.4 Stress Clash and Lapse 18 2.3 Positional Prominence in Tone Mapping 19 2.4 Previous Analyses of Shanghai Tone Sandhi 21 2.4.1 Tonal Basics 21 2.4.2 Autosegmental Approach 23 2.4.2.1 Tone Sandhi of Smooth Tones as Deletion and Reassociation 23 2.4.2.2 Yinru and Yinqu 24 2.4.3 OT Approach 27 2.4.3.1 A Different Ranking for TSC 28 2.4.3.2 A Single Ranking for TSC and TSS 29 CHAPTER 3 YINRU TONE SANDHI 31 3.1 Prescriptive Basics of Shanghai Tone Sandhi 31 3.1.1 TSS as Tone Spreading 32 3.1.2 TSYI as Tone Movement 34 3.2 (Non-)coincidence of Dual Prominence 37 3.3 Formation of Metrical Structure 39 3.3.1 Parsing of Metrical Feet 40 3.3.2 Quantity Difference 45 3.3.2.1 Against S-language Hypothesis 45 3.3.2.2 Checked Syllables as Light 48 3.3.3 Default to Opposite Edge 51 3.4 Tone Mapping in Dual Prominence 54 3.4.1 Tone-placement Constraints 54 3.4.2 Contour Split in TSS 58 3.5 Summary of This Chapter 62 CHAPTER 4 YANGRU TONE SANDHI 63 4.1 Patterns of TSYA 63 4.1.1 Pattern A as TSS 64 4.1.2 Pattern B as Long-distance Movement 66 4.1.3 Age-based Variations 68 4.2 Tone-driven Stress 70 4.2.1 Unbounded Foot-parsing 70 4.2.2 Contour-split Strategy 81 4.3 Lapse Avoidance 85 4.3.1 The Emergence of Pattern A 85 4.3.2 Variable Thresholds of Pattern A 99 4.4 Summary of This Chapter 105 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUDING REMARKS 107 5.1 Summary of the Thesis 107 5.2 Theoretical Implications 110 5.2.1 Autonomy of Checked Tones 110 5.2.2 Subtler Interaction Between Tone and Stress 111 5.3 Futher Issues 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 | zh_TW |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | - |
| dc.source.uri (資料來源) | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0097555007 | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 優選理論 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 連讀變調 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 上海話 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 入聲 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 聲調與重音之互動 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | 韻律顯著位置 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Optimality Theory | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Tone Sandhi | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Shanghai | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Checked Tones | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Tone-stress Interaction | en_US |
| dc.subject (關鍵詞) | Prominent Positions | en_US |
| dc.title (題名) | 以優選理論分析上海話之入聲變調 | zh_TW |
| dc.title (題名) | An OT approach to the Tone Sandhi of checked syllables in Shanghai | en_US |
| dc.type (資料類型) | thesis | en |
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