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題名 華語幼兒變調習得
Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Acquisition作者 程彥棻 貢獻者 萬依萍
Wan, I Ping
程彥棻關鍵詞 兒童語言發展
變調習得
三聲變調
替換模式
台灣華語
language acquisition
tone acquisition
tone sandhi
substitution pattern
Taiwan Mandarin日期 2015 上傳時間 3-Aug-2015 13:11:53 (UTC+8) 摘要 本篇論文探討台灣一歲半至三歲幼兒習得華語變調的歷程。分別以長期觀察以及實驗的方式，針對華語變調中的「不」字變調、「一」字變調以及三聲變調，探討幼兒習得此三種變調的時間、正確率與錯誤出現時的錯誤取代模式。其中，長期觀察以兩位幼兒為對象，年齡分別達二十七個月以及二十三個月，收錄其與大人之自然對話；另外，實驗對象則為年齡介於一歲半至三歲的十二位幼兒。結果顯示，「不」字變調為最早習得的變調，而「一」字變調及三聲變調較晚習得。三歲後幼兒三種變調皆可達百分之百正確，已完整習得三種變調，且不會有任何錯誤的發生。幼兒三種變調的錯誤取代則發現有不同的傾向，「不」字變調以[55]取代應變聲調最多、「一」字變調同樣多以[55]取代應變聲調，三聲變調則以原聲調取代應變聲調最多。以上三項變調的錯誤取代發現，幼兒錯誤聲調的取代具有系統性，及不同的傾向。從結果可以看出，[55]以及應變調的原聲調兩者於幼兒錯誤取代都扮演強勢角色，以此兩種為主要的錯誤取代聲調。
There are four lexical tones and several tone sandhi in Mandarin Chinese. Researchers have been highly interested in how Mandarin-speaking children acquire tonal system; however, compared to the acquisition of four lexical tones, development of tone sandhi are relatively less studied. The aim of this thesis was to investigate the process of acquisition of three different tone sandhi by children aged from 1;6 to 3;0 in Taiwan with longitudinal observation and experiments. Two children were included in longitudinal observation; they were recorded until 27 months old and 23 months old. For the experiments, twelve children were recruited. The videos and sounds were analyzed by PRAAT.Results of this study showed that “pu51” sandhi was acquired earlier than the other two sandhis, “i55” and third tone sandhi. It was also indicated that children acquired the above tone sandhis after 3;0. Furthermore, regarding substitution patterns, they were generally systematic, yet there showed different tendencies individually: in “pu51” sandhi and “i55” sandhi, tone [55] was often used to substitute for the target tone, and in third tone sandhi, the underlying tone was highly used to replace the target tone, which should have turned into tone [35] in the first syllable. As a result, it was revealed that tone [55] and the original tone in the first syllable of tone sandhi played an important role in substitution patterns.參考文獻 Chao, Y. R. (1930). A system of tone letters. MPhon, 45. 24-47Chao, Y. R. (1951). The Cantian idiolect: an analysis of the Chinese spoken by a twenty-eight- months-old child. In W. J. Fischel (ed.), Semantic and oriental studies. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Chao, Y. R. (1968). A grammar of spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.Cheng, C. C. (1973). A synchronic phonology of Mandarin Chinese. (Vol. 4). Walter de Gruyter.Cheng, C. C. (1973). A quantitative study of Chinese tones. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1. 93-110.Clumeck, H. (1980). The acquisition of tone. Child phonology, 257–275.Danmu, S.(2002). The phonology of Standard Chinese. London: Oxford University Press.Demuth, K. (1993). Issues in the acquisition of the Sesotho tonal system. Journal of ChildLanguage, 20, 275-301.Demuth, K. (1996). The prosodic structure of early words. In J. Morgan & K. Demuth (eds.), Signal ot Syntax: Bootstrapping from Speech to Grammar in Early Acquisition. Mahwah, N. J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 171 – 184.Erbaugh, M. S. (1992). The acquisition of Mandarin. In D. I. Slobin (ed.), The crosslinguistic study of acquisition: Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum Associates. 373-455.Fon, J. (1997). What are tones really like? An acoustic-based study of Taiwan Mandarin tones. Taipei, Taiwan: MA thesis, National Taiwan University.Hsu, H. H. (2003). A Study of the Stage of Development and Acquisition of Mandarin Chinese by Children in Taiwan. Taipei: Crane.Huang, Y. H. (2006). The Role of Input in Acquisition of Tone Sandhi Rules in Mandarin Chinese. In 第20屆亞太地區語言, 信息和計算國際會議論文集.Jie, Z & Lai, Y. W. (2010). Testing the role of phonetic knowledge in Mandarin tonesandhi. Phonology, 27, 153-201.Kaplan, E. & Kaplan, G. (1971). The Prelinguistic Child. In J. Eliot (ed.), Human Development and Cognitive Process. New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston. 359 – 381.Kubler, C. C. (1985). The development of Mandarin in Taiwan: A case study of language contact (Vol. 9). 台北: 臺灣學生書局.Lenneberg, H. (1967). Biological Foundations of Language. New York: John Wiley and Sons.Li, C. N. & Thompson, S. A. (1977). Acquisition of tone in Mandarin-speaking children. Journal of Child Language 4,2. 185-199Li, C. N. & Thompson, S. A. (1977). The tone acquisition of tone. In V. Fromkin(ed.), The production of tone. In V. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: a linguisitic survey. New York: Academic Press. 271-284Li, P. J. K. (1977). Child language acquisition of Mandarin phonology. In Proceedings of the symposium on Chinese linguistics. 295-316.Lin, Y. H. (2007). The sounds of Chinese. London: Cambridge University Press.Ma, H. Q., Chen, X. X. & Liu, X. (2012). A Study of Tone Acquisition in a Mandarin-speaking Child under Three. Speech Prosody, 2012. 2012. Ohala, J.J. (1978). The Production of tone. In V. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: A linguistic Survey. New York: Academic Press.Shih, C. L. (1998). Tone and Intonation in Mandarin. Working paper, Cornell Phonetics Laboratory.Su, A. T. (1985). The acquisition of Mandarin phonology by Taiwanese children.Unpublished MA thesis, Fu Jen Catholic University, Taipei.Tse, J. K. P. (1978). Tone acquisition in Cantonese: a longitudinal case study. Journal of Child Language, 5(02), 191-204.Vihman, M. M. (1996). Phonological Development. Oxford: Blackwell.Wang, C. Y. (2011). Children’s Acquisition of Tone 3 Sandhi in Mandarin. Lansing, MI. dissertation, Michigan State University.Wang, C. Y., Schmitt C. & Lin, Y. H. (2012). Children’s Acquisition of Mandarin Tone 3 Sandhi in Flat Structures. In Qiuwu Ma, Hongwei Ding and Daniel Hirst (ed.), The 6th International Conference on Speech Prosody, vol. 1, 202-205.Yang, H. J. (2012). Tone acquisition in Taiwan Mandarin – the frequency and Accuracy of tine in 11 to 15 month-old children. Paper presented at 45th Conference on Sino- Tibetan Languages & Linguistics.Yang, H. J. (2013) Tone acquisition in Taiwan Mandarin. Taipei, Taiwan. MA thesis, ChengChi University.Zhu, H. & Dodd. B (2000). The phonological acquisition of Putonghua (modern standard Chinese). Journal of Child Language, 27, 3-42.Zhu, H. (2002). Phonological development in specific contexts. Multilingual Matters Ltd中文文獻李小凡. (2004). 漢語方言連讀變調的層級和類型. 方言, 1, 16-33.宋作豔. (2005). 控制 “一” 變調的相關因素分析. 漢語學習, (1), 45-50.曹劍芬. (2002). 漢語聲調與語調的關係. 中國語文, 3, 195-202.趙元任. (2002). 漢語的字調跟語調. 趙元任語言學論文集, 734-749.鄧園, 馮麗萍, & 彭聃齡. (2003). 不同語境下漢語三聲連續變調發生規律初探.Acta Psychology Sinica, 35(6), 719-725.劉俐李. (2002). 20 世紀漢語連續變調研究回望. 南京師範大學文學院學報, (2), 176-182.劉新友. (1982). 漢語 “一” 的詞義與變調——兼評《 普通話 “一” 字聲調的讀法》.吉林師範大學學報 (人文社會科學版), 1, 013.錢乃榮. (1988). 論普通話語音的音位和區別性特徵. 漢語學習, (1), 26-30. 描述 碩士
國立政治大學
語言學研究所
101555012資料來源 http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G1015550122 資料類型 thesis dc.contributor.advisor 萬依萍 zh_TW dc.contributor.advisor Wan, I Ping en_US dc.contributor.author (Authors) 程彥棻 zh_TW dc.creator (作者) 程彥棻 zh_TW dc.date (日期) 2015 en_US dc.date.accessioned 3-Aug-2015 13:11:53 (UTC+8) - dc.date.available 3-Aug-2015 13:11:53 (UTC+8) - dc.date.issued (上傳時間) 3-Aug-2015 13:11:53 (UTC+8) - dc.identifier (Other Identifiers) G1015550122 en_US dc.identifier.uri (URI) http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/77117 - dc.description (描述) 碩士 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 國立政治大學 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 語言學研究所 zh_TW dc.description (描述) 101555012 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) 本篇論文探討台灣一歲半至三歲幼兒習得華語變調的歷程。分別以長期觀察以及實驗的方式，針對華語變調中的「不」字變調、「一」字變調以及三聲變調，探討幼兒習得此三種變調的時間、正確率與錯誤出現時的錯誤取代模式。其中，長期觀察以兩位幼兒為對象，年齡分別達二十七個月以及二十三個月，收錄其與大人之自然對話；另外，實驗對象則為年齡介於一歲半至三歲的十二位幼兒。結果顯示，「不」字變調為最早習得的變調，而「一」字變調及三聲變調較晚習得。三歲後幼兒三種變調皆可達百分之百正確，已完整習得三種變調，且不會有任何錯誤的發生。幼兒三種變調的錯誤取代則發現有不同的傾向，「不」字變調以[55]取代應變聲調最多、「一」字變調同樣多以[55]取代應變聲調，三聲變調則以原聲調取代應變聲調最多。以上三項變調的錯誤取代發現，幼兒錯誤聲調的取代具有系統性，及不同的傾向。從結果可以看出，[55]以及應變調的原聲調兩者於幼兒錯誤取代都扮演強勢角色，以此兩種為主要的錯誤取代聲調。 zh_TW dc.description.abstract (摘要) There are four lexical tones and several tone sandhi in Mandarin Chinese. Researchers have been highly interested in how Mandarin-speaking children acquire tonal system; however, compared to the acquisition of four lexical tones, development of tone sandhi are relatively less studied. The aim of this thesis was to investigate the process of acquisition of three different tone sandhi by children aged from 1;6 to 3;0 in Taiwan with longitudinal observation and experiments. Two children were included in longitudinal observation; they were recorded until 27 months old and 23 months old. For the experiments, twelve children were recruited. The videos and sounds were analyzed by PRAAT.Results of this study showed that “pu51” sandhi was acquired earlier than the other two sandhis, “i55” and third tone sandhi. It was also indicated that children acquired the above tone sandhis after 3;0. Furthermore, regarding substitution patterns, they were generally systematic, yet there showed different tendencies individually: in “pu51” sandhi and “i55” sandhi, tone [55] was often used to substitute for the target tone, and in third tone sandhi, the underlying tone was highly used to replace the target tone, which should have turned into tone [35] in the first syllable. As a result, it was revealed that tone [55] and the original tone in the first syllable of tone sandhi played an important role in substitution patterns. en_US dc.description.tableofcontents 第一章 緒論 11.1研究動機 11.2 研究問題 31.3 本文架構 4第二章 文獻回顧 62.1 中文聲調與變調的介紹 62.2 幼兒聲調以及變調習得相關文獻回顧 10第三章 研究方法 223.1語料收集方式 223.1.1 自然口語語料庫 223.1.2 實驗 253.1.3 器材 303.2 語料分析 303.2.1語料分析 313.2.2 變調出現順序 353.2.3 變調出現的正確率 363.2.4 幼兒錯誤聲調的取代 37第四章 結果與分析 394.1自然口語語料庫 394.1.1語料總數及變調總數 394.1.2 各變調出現之順序 414.1.3 變調出現的正確率 424.1.4幼兒錯誤聲調的取代 484.2實驗 504.2.1 語料總數 514.2.2 實驗一 524.2.3 實驗二 534.2.4 實驗三 554.3 自然口語語料庫與實驗之比較 584.3.1三種變調出現順序 584.3.2 三種變調正確率 584.3.3 三種變調錯誤取代模式 60第五章 結論 69參考文獻 79 zh_TW dc.format.extent 1812367 bytes - dc.format.mimetype application/pdf - dc.source.uri (資料來源) http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G1015550122 en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) 兒童語言發展 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 變調習得 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 三聲變調 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 替換模式 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) 台灣華語 zh_TW dc.subject (關鍵詞) language acquisition en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) tone acquisition en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) tone sandhi en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) substitution pattern en_US dc.subject (關鍵詞) Taiwan Mandarin en_US dc.title (題名) 華語幼兒變調習得 zh_TW dc.title (題名) Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Acquisition en_US dc.type (資料類型) thesis en dc.relation.reference (參考文獻) Chao, Y. R. (1930). A system of tone letters. MPhon, 45. 24-47Chao, Y. R. (1951). The Cantian idiolect: an analysis of the Chinese spoken by a twenty-eight- months-old child. In W. J. Fischel (ed.), Semantic and oriental studies. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Chao, Y. R. (1968). A grammar of spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.Cheng, C. C. (1973). A synchronic phonology of Mandarin Chinese. (Vol. 4). Walter de Gruyter.Cheng, C. C. (1973). A quantitative study of Chinese tones. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1. 93-110.Clumeck, H. (1980). The acquisition of tone. Child phonology, 257–275.Danmu, S.(2002). The phonology of Standard Chinese. London: Oxford University Press.Demuth, K. (1993). Issues in the acquisition of the Sesotho tonal system. Journal of ChildLanguage, 20, 275-301.Demuth, K. (1996). The prosodic structure of early words. In J. Morgan & K. Demuth (eds.), Signal ot Syntax: Bootstrapping from Speech to Grammar in Early Acquisition. Mahwah, N. J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 171 – 184.Erbaugh, M. S. (1992). The acquisition of Mandarin. In D. I. Slobin (ed.), The crosslinguistic study of acquisition: Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum Associates. 373-455.Fon, J. (1997). What are tones really like? An acoustic-based study of Taiwan Mandarin tones. Taipei, Taiwan: MA thesis, National Taiwan University.Hsu, H. H. (2003). A Study of the Stage of Development and Acquisition of Mandarin Chinese by Children in Taiwan. Taipei: Crane.Huang, Y. H. (2006). The Role of Input in Acquisition of Tone Sandhi Rules in Mandarin Chinese. In 第20屆亞太地區語言, 信息和計算國際會議論文集.Jie, Z & Lai, Y. W. (2010). Testing the role of phonetic knowledge in Mandarin tonesandhi. Phonology, 27, 153-201.Kaplan, E. & Kaplan, G. (1971). The Prelinguistic Child. In J. Eliot (ed.), Human Development and Cognitive Process. New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston. 359 – 381.Kubler, C. C. (1985). The development of Mandarin in Taiwan: A case study of language contact (Vol. 9). 台北: 臺灣學生書局.Lenneberg, H. (1967). Biological Foundations of Language. New York: John Wiley and Sons.Li, C. N. & Thompson, S. A. (1977). Acquisition of tone in Mandarin-speaking children. Journal of Child Language 4,2. 185-199Li, C. N. & Thompson, S. A. (1977). The tone acquisition of tone. In V. Fromkin(ed.), The production of tone. In V. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: a linguisitic survey. New York: Academic Press. 271-284Li, P. J. K. (1977). Child language acquisition of Mandarin phonology. In Proceedings of the symposium on Chinese linguistics. 295-316.Lin, Y. H. (2007). The sounds of Chinese. London: Cambridge University Press.Ma, H. Q., Chen, X. X. & Liu, X. (2012). A Study of Tone Acquisition in a Mandarin-speaking Child under Three. Speech Prosody, 2012. 2012. Ohala, J.J. (1978). The Production of tone. In V. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: A linguistic Survey. New York: Academic Press.Shih, C. L. (1998). Tone and Intonation in Mandarin. Working paper, Cornell Phonetics Laboratory.Su, A. T. (1985). The acquisition of Mandarin phonology by Taiwanese children.Unpublished MA thesis, Fu Jen Catholic University, Taipei.Tse, J. K. P. (1978). Tone acquisition in Cantonese: a longitudinal case study. Journal of Child Language, 5(02), 191-204.Vihman, M. M. (1996). Phonological Development. Oxford: Blackwell.Wang, C. Y. (2011). Children’s Acquisition of Tone 3 Sandhi in Mandarin. Lansing, MI. dissertation, Michigan State University.Wang, C. Y., Schmitt C. & Lin, Y. H. (2012). Children’s Acquisition of Mandarin Tone 3 Sandhi in Flat Structures. In Qiuwu Ma, Hongwei Ding and Daniel Hirst (ed.), The 6th International Conference on Speech Prosody, vol. 1, 202-205.Yang, H. J. (2012). Tone acquisition in Taiwan Mandarin – the frequency and Accuracy of tine in 11 to 15 month-old children. Paper presented at 45th Conference on Sino- Tibetan Languages & Linguistics.Yang, H. J. (2013) Tone acquisition in Taiwan Mandarin. Taipei, Taiwan. MA thesis, ChengChi University.Zhu, H. & Dodd. B (2000). The phonological acquisition of Putonghua (modern standard Chinese). Journal of Child Language, 27, 3-42.Zhu, H. (2002). Phonological development in specific contexts. Multilingual Matters Ltd中文文獻李小凡. (2004). 漢語方言連讀變調的層級和類型. 方言, 1, 16-33.宋作豔. (2005). 控制 “一” 變調的相關因素分析. 漢語學習, (1), 45-50.曹劍芬. (2002). 漢語聲調與語調的關係. 中國語文, 3, 195-202.趙元任. (2002). 漢語的字調跟語調. 趙元任語言學論文集, 734-749.鄧園, 馮麗萍, & 彭聃齡. (2003). 不同語境下漢語三聲連續變調發生規律初探.Acta Psychology Sinica, 35(6), 719-725.劉俐李. (2002). 20 世紀漢語連續變調研究回望. 南京師範大學文學院學報, (2), 176-182.劉新友. (1982). 漢語 “一” 的詞義與變調——兼評《 普通話 “一” 字聲調的讀法》.吉林師範大學學報 (人文社會科學版), 1, 013.錢乃榮. (1988). 論普通話語音的音位和區別性特徵. 漢語學習, (1), 26-30. zh_TW
